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A 

GRAMMAR 



OF THE 



GALLA LANGUAGE 



CHARI^ES TlJTfSCHEH 



EDITED 



LAWRENCE TUTSGHEK. M. D. 



^3e«©}< 



JXIIJN I €H 

1843. 






?7 






rv? 









TO 
Sir THOMAS DYHJE ACJLAND Bart. 

THIS LITTLE VOLUME IS INSCRIBED 

AS A TRIBUTE 

OF RESPECT AND GRATITUDE 



THE EDITOR. 



7^. 



Preface. 



The present little work must be laid before the learned 
public in a condition which , in regard to completeness , leaves 
very much to be desired, since the early death of my brother 
prevented him from finishing it according to his original plan. 
Wh n I resolved to continue the studies begun by him, (a full 
ac. int of which is given in the preface to the Dictionary), I 
eniertaiaed the hope, that by the time of publication I should 
have made such progress in the language as to be able, by the 
aid of his labours and the abundant materials which he had col- 
lected, to complete the imperfect portions of the Grammar, and to 
supply, partly at least, those in which it is entirely deficient. 
The time however was two short for such an undertaking, be- 
sides which, the aid of a native Galla was necessary to enable 
me to furnish those parts which are wanting, inasmuch as they 
present the most difficult problems of grammar, and require a 
full knowledge of the language for their solution. They are 
those which in other grammars are comprehended under the head 
of Syntax. 

In some places , for instance in discussing the subject of 
Pronouns, rules are given which naturally belong to the syntax 5 
but these are merely passing remarks not intended by the author 
to supply the place of a syntax, which he had purposed to dis- 
cuss in a full and ample manner. 

Those parts which appear to be finished are, the doctrine 
of Verbs, the Numeral Adjectives and the Pronouns. The num- 
bers which treat of the Negation , Nouns , Adjectives and Par- 
ticles, are taken from a communication which the author laid 



— VI 



before the Royal Academy of Sciences in Munich on the 2"/ of 
January 1841. The incompleteness of these parts cannot fail to 
strike the notice of the reader, aud a careful study and com- 
parison of them may detect contradictions of rules given in other 
parts. But this must be accounted for by the circumstance that 
the above mentioned grammatical sketch was communicated at 
a time when my brother was still in many respects involved in 
doubts and uncertainties, though he was already able to speak 
the language with considerable fluency. He succeeded, in the 
course of his subsequent studies , in resolving many of these 
doubts, but his later acquisitions in this language were either 
not written, or left in such an indigested form that I could not 
make use of them. I have therefore given these fragments to 
the public quite unaltered, except in a few places where m}'^ own 
knowledge of the language enabled me to venture upon some 
corrections. 

To gratify the reader by some connected specimens of the 
lano:uage5 I have added three prayers and two letters, together 
with their translation. These as well as the examples given to 
illustrate single principles have been corrected throughout ac- 
cording to the orthography exhibited in the Dictionary, with the 
exception of a few words that could not be found in it. I regret 
that circumstances prevent me from publishing maps of the native 
countries of Aga, Aman, and Akafed'e, as I formerl}- intended 5 
they will perhaps find a place among the results of my own 
African studies to be published hereafter. 

The translation of the grammar was performed by Mr. M. J. 
Smead from Richmond Virg., to whom I feel myself the more 
obliged as, on account of the novelty of the subject, he gave 
himself the trouble to make some studies in the language itself; 
I am, therefore, quite confident that this translation is, in every 
respect, an exact reproduction of the German original. 

Munich February 1845. 



The Editor. 



Contents. 



I 



Introduction. Of the letters and their pronunciation jiag. 1. 

I. General observations 1— 4. 
Table of the letters. 
Remarks on the Alphabet 6 — 37. 
Of the different parts of speech. 
Chapter I, Of the verb. Preliminary observations 38 — 42. 
§ 1. Formation of verbs 43 — 110. 
I. General remarks 43 — 44. 
Middle forms 46 — 51. 
The endings ad'a and fad'a 62. 
Causative forms 63 — 88. 
Middle-Causatives 89—91. 
Onomatopoeticals 92 — 96. 
Denominatives 96 — 101. 
Intensitives and Frequentatives 102 — 104. 
Passives 105—109. 
Composite verbs 110. 
Modes 111 119. 
The mode in u 112—113. 
„ re 114. 
„ mi 115» 
„ ti 116—117. 

yi 118. 
„ mi 119. 
§ 15. Tenses 120—124. 
§ 4. Numbers 125. 
8 6. Genders 126. 
S 6. Persons 127. 
8 7. Conjugations 128—136. 



II. 
III. 

Part first. 



II. 
III. 
IV. 

V. 

VI. 

VII. 

VIII. 

IX. 

X. 

S 2. 



— VIII — 

Paradigm of the conjugations pag. 40. 
§ 8. Remarks on the Conjugations 136 — 166. 
S 9. Defective verbs 157. 
% 10. The prefix in 158—160. 
§ 11. Irregular verbs 161. 
S 12. Auxiliary verbs 162 — 172. 
§ 13. Negation 173—176. 

I. The negative hm 173 — 174. 
II. The negative miti 175. 
III. Negative verbs a. dida, — b. bad^a. — c. d*aba. — 
d. Ola 176. 

Chapter II. Of Nouns. 

§ 1. Formation, genders and numbers 177 — 182. 
S 2. Declension 183—191. 
S 3. Adjectives 192—200. 
§ 4. Numeral adjectives. 
I. Cardinals 201—206. 
II. Ordinals 207—208. 

III. Social numbers 209 — 211. 

IV. Fractional numbers 212. 

V. Numeral adverbs 213—214. 

VI. Numeral verbs 215. 
S 5. Pronouns. Preliminaiy observations 216 — 217. 

I. Personal pronouns 218 — 224. 

II. Affixed or possessive pronouns 225 — 230, 

III. Reflective or reciprocol pronoun 231 — 240. 

IV. Demonstrative pronouns 241 — 247. 
V. Relative 248—249. 

VI. Interrogative pronouns 250 — 251. 
Chapter III. Of Particles 252—255. 



I 



Prayers pag. 84 — 87 
Letters pag. 88—92. 



Introduction. 

Of the letters and their pronunciation. 



I* General obserTations* 

1. 

If the Gallas have a written language, which is rendered probable 
by recent accounts, it must have a peculiar alphabet or syllabariuni, 
as none of those hitherto known can express with exactness, all the 
sounds that are found in it. Hence alone it follows that the Galla cannot 
be written with the Amharic syllabarium, as has been attempted by the 
translator of the Canticles in Bruce's travels II. 104, since notwith- 
standing its richness, that syllabarium fails to convey many of the sounds 
to be met with in Galla, and on the other hand it contains not a few of 
which no trace is to be found in this language. It appears to me that 
the adaptation of Roman characters to Galla sounds, as far as it is 
possible, is the only way of making this interesting language acces- 
sible, and it would lose nothing of its practical usefulness even though 
a method of writing peculiar to the language were (o be discovered 
and deciphered. 

1 



— 2 — 

2. 

This has heen done in the present work. With regard to the 
choice of letters to express particular sounds, I have added another to 
the many modes already existing, and perhaps have thus made the 
confusion still greater. But as long as no general rules capable of 
being adapted to all the different languages which are still to be dis- 
covered, are established and universally aknowledged, it will necessarily 
remain the privilege of the first inquirers into newly discovered lan- 
guages, to characterize their special observations according to their 
own method. It has been my endeavour, however, in designing my 
system of characters, to avoid a great number of punctuations and 
newly invented signs, and to render the method of writing as natural 
as possible, so that a few remarks may suffice to explain the single 
characters to the reader. 

3. 

The single letters have been arranged in families, which at first 
may cause some inconvenience in looking for them in the dictionary, 
but which may be excused on account of the heterogeneousness of 
the matter and of the inadequacy of our usual arrangement. 

4. 

Hitherto the number of characters found necessary to write 
the Galla amounts to 30. But in the last intercourse with the young 
Gomanian (see Dictionary pag. XIII.) it was found that the inquiries 
into the system of sounds of this language cannot yet be considered 
as complete*, for many sounds after a comparatively short time became 
perceptible to the sharpened ear of the observer, which at first escaped 
him, and to which perhaps many more may hereafter be added. A part 
of this discovery has been already adopted in the dictionary, namely 
the Ish^ a sound between tch and dj^ and in some cases the Slavonic 
/, and lastly a nasal sound which probably belongs only to the idiom 
of Goma, answering in the pronunciation of the two others to an n be- 
fore a 55 or a (t/, as: qile'za^ instead of qilenzttj magaya for mangaga 
etc. But besides these sounds, it is still necessary to adopt an entirely 
breathless T-sound lying between t and d, and then a p more, if the 
cases in which this sound occurs do not merely indicate a gemina- 
tion of the b; — in short, more exact investigations, with different 
natives are still to be made, in that important part of grammar, the 
orthography of the language. 



II. Table of the letters. 



1. Uy dy dy (l 


9. fcA 


17. /■ 


a— —————— 

25. w 


2. e, e 


10. teA 


18. b 


26. z 


3. i 


11. dj 


19.2, 


27. p 


4. 


12. rf^ 


20. M, 


28. «' 


5. u 


13. t 


21. r 


29. h 


6. k 


14. f 


22. i 


30. :C 


7. c resp. y 


15. <? 


23. wj 




%.g 


16. d' 


24. n 





III. Remarks on the Alphabet. 

I. Vowels. 

5. 

a sounds everywhere like the clear English a in „father.'^ It may 
be long or short ; it is long either by nature, or from the contraction of 
aa, for example: bd, to go out, contr. from baa; 
atva: laka, to count, contr. from lakawa; 
aya: td^ to sit, contracted from taya. 

6. 

At the end of words, a is very often almost mute, or spoken 
so short that it seems to be only a breath, and aiming, as it were, at 
the sound which it denotes, as in the Tumale language. I have marked 
this vowel by writing it over the line in this manner: Waci, heaven; 
zoyifty salt. When the word takes an increase from declension or con- 
jugation , the full sound appears again , which proves that it become*; 
mute only from haste in speaking. 

7. 
The same is the case with all the other vowels. Examples are: 
Akafedl, a name; torban'.j seven; tokl ^ one; Sibly the name of a 
Galla-country. 

1* 



— .4 — 

8. 
e has two different sounds: i. like a in fate: for example: heka, 
I know; te%a, thou sittest; — 2. like the e in were, there, or like 
the German a in Snge, Viiter. I have marked it thus: meka , how 
much? — re fa, a dead body. 

9. 

i sounds like i in pin; o like o in no; u like oo. All these 
vowels are likewise either long or short. 

II. Diphthongs. 

10. 

The Galla is devoid of real diphthong^s, that is to say, of such 
as already lie in the roots of the words themselves, the particle 
,,wau'', v"*^"? must he the only exception, but even this word would 
perhaps be spelt better with iv than with u. All the other com- 
binations of vowels are merely formed by declension or conjugation. 
Tn the examples: bai (iinperative mood of baa, I go out); tau, to sit; 
himboirij do not weep; himbuin, do not fall etc., the i and u are 
always characteristic of a certain mood or tense, but never an element 
of a natural diphthong. 

III. Consonants. 

11. 

k is always the hard palatal sound as in key, kill. 

12. 

c (before e and i written y) is a softer sound produced by pres- 
sing the tongue against the middle of the palate , and pushing or 
smacking with it, but without an aspiration, whilst the k proceeds 
with a certain aspiration deeper and from the hinder part of the mouth. 
The pronunciation of this sound requires great care, because by its 
being confounded with k or (/, mistakes are unavoidable ; thus caca is 
sool ; gaff a wax; kaka, the root of kakadHa^ I swear, take an oath. 

13. 

ff has everywhere the hard sound of the English g in go, gain, 
nor is it ever melted with n into that nasal sound ng, so frequent in 
the European languages. The latter sound is entirely wanting in 



Galla, and wherever ng occurs, the two consonants must be spoken 
separately, for example: daii-ga, not daviga^ nourishment. 

14. 

Before m^ g appears assimilated to it in the dialect of Sibu 5 viz 
Aga said dammciy instead of dagma, honey. 

15. 

ch is employed only in a few cases as a euphonical softening of 
k before n and t in the inflection of verbs, for example: ani beka^ I 
know, ati bechta, thou knowest; nu bechna , we know; its pronun- 
ciation is then the same with that of the German ch in „dich, mich". 

IG. 

The three sounds tch^ dj , and dg, which from their nature lie 
between the K~ and T- sounds, have been adapted to the En- 
glish pronunciation; tch being the harsh sound tch in fetch; dj is 
pronounced as if it were dsh, but softer; and dy still softer than 
this. This sound is best produced by pronouncing the d and y quickly 
according to their usual pronunciation. 

17. 

Besides these three letters I have availed myself also of tz, t^z, 
d% and d'% , in order to preserve the root in verbal forms, because 
by changing them into tch or dj it would often become impossible to 
distinguish the latter, for example : the III. form of d^ed'a^ to eat, (said 
of cattle), I have written d'ed'%iza (I feed), not d'etchiza or d'edjiza^ 
for the purpose of showing, that the final consonant of the root is rf", 
not tj d nor V ^ which is of importance to be known in the con- 
jugation. 

18. 

t, f, dy d\ A right and accurate pronunciation and writing of 
the T-sounds, offer greater difficulties than all the other letters in the 
Galla; and the utmost precaution ought to be observed not to confound 
them with each other, because nearly always the distinguishing of 
the words depends on it. 1 never found in any other language, such 
an exact and sharp distinction in this class of consonants, even when 
spoken as rapidly as possible , as it is in the mouth of the Gallas. 

19. 

That is the reason, that, in the inflection of verbs, when another 
I is joined to a root ending with a T-sound, and an assimilation of 



— 6 — 

both seems to be natural and even requisite, both are exhibited, in order 
to make tlie root discernible, as in the following: 

fldta, thou bringest, from ani fida; nad'ta, thou eatest, from ani 
itad'a; fit'ta, thou endest, from ani fifa; kvtta, thou cuttest, from 
an? kuta. 

20. 

The single T-sounds are as follows: 

1) ty our hard and the German aspirated t and th, as in Tanne, 
Thau. (The breathless t could not until now be adopted.) 

2) f; a T-sound peculiar to this language , and a very hard one, 
in pronouncing which the tongue is pressed closely against 
the upper fore-teeth, so that after the T, almost a soft s be- 
comes audible, and the z that is wanting seems to be supplied. 
Examples: fut^a, I smoke; fife, blue. Perhaps r has its ana- 
logy in the Amharic class of letters represented by the T'ailj 
Tsliait and Tsadai. *) 

3) d is our soft d in day, load, maid; for example: dina, enemy: 
eda, because. 

4) ^j is a singular sound, scarcely to be expressed by European 
organs. It is very soft, and formed by a gentle push of the 
tongue upon the hinder part of the palate, so that between 
the d' and the following vowel, another consonant seems to 
be intercalated, similar to the Semitic Ayin. It forms thus, to 
a certain degree, the bridge from the T-sounds to the gutturals, 
and before the ear is well accustomed to this peculiar con- 
sonant, it is usually confounded with g. Examples are: d'ufa, 
I come; mid' an, grain. 

21. 

The following words will show the great importance of a precise 
distinction between the T-sounds above mentioned: 
duta^ 2. pers. pres. of dita, I die, 
duda, adj. deaf, 
d'ud'a, verb, I devour, 



*) Before n the three T-sounds rf, t and d' are assimilated without 
causing a doubling of the w, the f however rests unchanged; 
for example: fudtiy I take, plur. fima, we take; but fifa^ I 
finish, plur. fiCnUj we finish. 



--_ 7 — 

tuta^ subst. crowd, multitude, 

t'ut^a, verb, I smoke, 
rhese five words bein^ of the same signification, if not distinguished 
by a right pronunciation of the respective T-sounds. 

22. 

f has always the sharp sound of f in fat, fall 5 a softer sound for 
this consonant being wanting. 

23. 

b in the beginning of words sounds like our b in bind, bow: 
in the middle, particularly before vowels, almost like v, for example: 
d'ade, he did not find, (spelt: d'ave.') Before n it sounds almost like 
m^ for ex. tchabnani (partic. pret. of tchaba, I break) spelt: tchamnaiii. 
But here also a real assimilation of b with the related liquid m might 
be supposed. 

24. 

y sounds as in English, in the beginning as well as in the middle 
of words, but being a consonant it never forms a diphthong; which 
may be seen particularly in the primitive form of the verbs, which 1 
regard as constituting the 2"/ conjugation, and still more in the II. form 
of their roots; as ka, contracted from kaifUj II. f. kayad'a; where the 
y must be regarded, not as forming the diphthong ay with the vowel «, 
but beginning the next syllable, in this manner: ka-ya, — ka-ya~d'a. 

25. 

w must be pronounced in the beginning and in the middle of 
words like the English w, so that it sounds almost like a diphthong; 
for rawad^a, I finish, sounds almost like rauwad'a. 

26. 

r has the same sound as in English. 

27. 

/ has its usual sound; when it stands before n, the n is assimi- 
lated with it and the I appears doubled, for ex. ilala, I see; 1 ' pers. 
plur. pres. ilallaj instead of ilaliia^ we see. 

28. 
The dead Polish / has not been expressed by a proper letter, but 
it is, in the few cases in which it occurs , always marked as such by 
special explanation. 



— 8 — 

29. , 

m is the same as in other languages. 

30. 

n likewise. Before /, m^ n, r it is assimilated and forms llj mm, 
nn, rr. Before b it is changed into m^ and before w it quite disap- 
pears. Respecting n, (marked thus: w^) the negative w, as I call it, 
see Dictionary pag. 176. 

31. 

w is a sound which employs tongue, nose, and palate at once, and 
so singularly that 1 could by no means hit the right pronunciation; it 
is similar to the Italian gn in leg no or to the Spanish n, but without 
any admixture of i, which is more or less the case in those sounds. 
Whether it has any analogous sound in the Amharic Gnahas or not, 
I do not know; I doubt it however, because — as it is by Ludolf 
simply expressed with the Italian gn — the pronunciation of Gnahas 
ought to be much easier than this sound, so difficult for our organs. 

32. 

% denotes the soft s. 

33. 

p is the sharp sound of s. 

34. 

% or % as I have remarked above expresses the English sh. 

35. 

h is found only in the beginning of words, and is the simple as- 
pirate as in our language. 

36. 

^ is the same consonant as the Semitic Ayin, wherefore I have 
chosen its character. It occurs in the middle and at the end of words, 
and causes, in the first case, a singular disjunction of the word by a 
certain kind of pause as in har^a^ to-day; in the other a breathless 
shortness of the last vowel, as in qile^^ deep; ree^j goat. 

37. 

After these special remarks on the letters, a general one may here 
be added. The decided propensity of the Galla - language to vowels, 
which is so great that not a single word ends with a consonant, that no 
word begins with two consonants, and that, wherever by inflection eiiher 



— 9 — 

In declension or conjugation, three consonants would meet together, the 
harshness is avoided by intercalating a vowel or displacing the con- 
sonants themselves; finally that the rougher consonants t^ V^ k, tch, etc. 
are proportionally rare, while the softer ones rf, d\ dj , b, (/, etc. 
are frequent, makes the language, particularly in the mouth of a native 
Galla, very soft, and especially qualifies it for versification. This pro- 
perty also appears to be the reason that, although the Galla poetry is 
otherwise so poor, rhyme is nevertheless so much cultivated that 
it occurs not only at the end of lines, but also frequently in the middle, 
and even at the end of every foot. 



Part first# 

Of the different parts of speech. 



CHAPTER I. 

Of the verb. 

Preliiiiiiiary obi§erTatioiiis« 

38. 
As almost in all languages, and especially in the oriental, the 
verb is the soul of the whole, and the root of nearly all the other 
parts of speech, so it is in the Galla language, although it belongs to 
none of the known families. 

39. 

For this reason I have followed the custom adopted by oriental 
grammarians, in placing the verb at the beginning. But in treating 
of it I have, according to European usage, considered the inflection as 
the distinguishing characteristic of the conjugations; though, according 
to the views of the oriental grammarians, we might have inferred 
dilferent conjugations from the different modifications a verb is capable 






— 10 — 

of admitting, namely by the use of affixes; (prefixes in the ordinary 
acceptation not occurrinor in Galla.) However, 1 have followed the 
former method, first, because I considered it, in general, better suited 
to the nature of the language; secondly, because it enabled me to 
explain the formularies of the verb more clearly than any other method, 
where for every individual form a particular scheme would have been 
necessary. 

40. 
In this manner I have reduced all the verbs to three conjugations, 
according' to the terminations of the second person sing, of the present; 
the root of every primitive verb being found by cutting off the ter- 
minating a of the 11' pers. sing, of the same tense, except that con- 
tracted verbs must first be resolved, into their primitive forms. 

41. 

I say primitive verbs, or verbs of the first form; for I consider 
all verbs derived from one and the same root, by affixing syllables, 
as only different forms of the primitive verb, which, in Semitic, 
are called conjugations; and of these, and their formation, as being 
not only the most important part of the doctrine of verbs in particular, 
>)ut of grammar in general, I shall now proceed to treat. 

43. 

In doing this I shall take it for granted that the usual grammatical 
notions concerning the nature of verbs and their classifications according 
to their signification, as well as the other parts of speech, are already 
known; these principles being sufficiently explained in various other 
grammars, and the Galla language, in this respect, requiring no material 
innovation. 

% 1. Formation of Terlis. 

I. General remarks. 

43. 

All primitive verbs in Galla have the property of producing, by 
affixing syllables, new verbs which are difl'erent modifications of the 
primitive signification of the radical verb. 

44. 

The number of members belonging to each of the verbal families 
so produced is, however, extremely various, and depends on the nature 



^ 11 — 

of the radical verb ; whence it arises that in some verbs, singular forms 
are altogether wanting" in the series: others are confined to only a 
few branches: and others again are capable of being extended to the 
sixth and even to the eighth link of the chain. An example in which 
all the forms are fully contained, though somewhat in anticipation, 
will not be out of place here to give a general view of them. 
bdy the root; to go out of a thing, to go out. 
II. bad'a, to go out for one's self, for one's own profit or damage. 

III. ba%a, to cause to go out, to let go out, to drive away, to 
pardon, to pay. 

IV. bafad'a, to iet go out, to drive away etc. for one's self. 
V. baziza, to cause to let go out, drive out, pay, pardon. 

VI. bazifad'a, to cause to let go out, to drive out etc. for one's 

own profit. 
VII. ba%i%i%a, to cause to let drive out, pay, pardon. 
VIll. ba%i%ifad'a^ the same, with the middle sense. 

II. 3Iid(lle forms. 

45. 

The second form, or the first verb derived from the root is, in 

general, the middle voice of the first form; and precisely in the same 

manner the IV. is related to the III. form, the VI. to the V. and the 

VIII. to the VII. 

46. 
The IV. f. in some verbs, instead of a middle, has a reflective 
signification, these however are not numerous. An example of this 
occurs in bua^ which primitively signifies; to move one's self down- 
wards, to come down, to descend, to fall. The II. f. biiad'a, has the 
middle signification; the III. f. biiza. to cause to move downwards, 
to let fall, to throw over; IV. f. bufad'a^ to let one's self fall, to lay 
one's self down, to lie down. 

47. 
The formation of the II. f. consists simply in this, that the syllable 
d'a is affixed to the I. f., or, which is the same thing, the ending 
ad' a is added to the root, as: 

afa^ to make a bed, II. f. afad'a^ to make a bed for one's self. 

egad'a. 
ifad'a. 
ulud'a. 



ega, to wait, 


)7 


//«, to be clear, 


?5 


tita, to smell, 


55 



■ V<?or- 



— 12 — 

kd, to get up, II. f. kad'a. 
toa, to pay, „ toad' a. 

48. 
In the contracted verbs in a (from aya), the y, which is lost in 
the primitive verb by contraction, reappears in the II. f., as: kn^ II. f. 
kayad'a; yd, II. f. gay ad' a. 

49. 

Aman and Aga do the same with the contracted verbs in a 
(from aiva')^ as : laka (contr. from lakawa')^ makes its II. f. lakaicad'a^ 
whereas Akafed'e has the unresolved form lakad'a, 

50. 

The IV. VI. and VIII. forms are produced much in the same 
manner as the II. f., that is, the IV. f. is found by affixing d'a to the 
III. f., the VI. by affixing the same termination to the V. f., and the 
VIII. by adding the same to the VII.; it is however to be observed, 
that the last radical s;, and in verbs in /, the tsh of the III. f. are 
changed into f-^ an alteration analogous to that in the inflection of 
the III. V. and VII. forms before the inflective consonants, and pro- 
bably founded upon it. In this it is seen, that it is necessary to know 
the laws which regulate the formation of the causative forms, to enable 
us to find the middle forms. 

Besides the examples given above of bd. exhibiting the various 
forms, the examples which follow may serve to make the matter still 
more intelligible. 

III. IV. 

(jnarza.') mar fad' a. 

Qd'umza.') d'umfad'a. 

Qgaltsha.^ galfad'a. 

VII. VIII. 

(jrnarziza.') marzifad'a. (jjiarziziza.') marzizifad' a. 

(d'umziza.') d'umzifad'a. (^d'umziziza.) d'umzizifad'a. 

(ffaltshiza.') galtshifad'a. {^yaltshiziza.') galtshizifad'a, 

51. 

Verbs that have a K-sound or a b as their last radical, form an 
exception to the rule given in num. 50; in such verbs the z of the 
II. f. remains unchanged in the IV. form; for ex. the IV. f. of bultiya 
is bulnyzad'a^ not bulvyfad'a; of duknba: dnkubzad^a^ not dukubfad'a. 



Root. 


II. 


mara. 


marad'a. 


d'uma. 


d'umad'a. 


gala. 


galad'a. 


V. 


VI 



i 



— la- 
in. The endings a(fa and fatfa. 
52. 
Before I proceed to the causative forms, it is necessary to men- 
tion two particular verbal formations which, as they are produced by 
the help of the syllables ad'a and fad'a, resemble the middle forms 
and probably have in them their model. 

1. The Galla language has the property of animating, as it were, 
certain sounds or natural tones, commonly regarded as interjections, 
by affixing to them the above mentioned terminations, and thus confers 
upon them the nature, signification and flexibility of verbs; and the 
class of verbs so formed come under the head of Onomatopoeticals. 

0, for ex. is the usual answer to a call; if with this sound is 
combined the termination ad'a, we have oad'a, to answer, which is 
then susceptible of all the usual changes of a verb. 

A verb that has its origin doubtless in the same sound is ofad'a, 
to drive cattle, to drive; and when the verb ofa occurs, which is in 
fact the case, the language seems to have made a step backwards 
and formed a simple verb of the onomatopoetical, so that the root is not 
of but the exclamation Oy which is also used in driving cattle. 

Other examples are bir^efad'a^ to be afraid, to express fear or 
shuddering, literally: to articulate the sound brr (bif)\ dkfad'a^ to 
hem, to clear the throat; furifatta, to blow the nose; had'zfad^a^ to 
snatch away; d'efad'a^ to belch, ructus edere, literally: to make ,;<re^' 
(a very striking imitation} ; liaVifad'a^ to sneeze etc. 

It is obvious, that in the ending ad'a^ and especially in fad'a^ an 
activity is expressed, and that in the^same manner as the former 
corresponds with the II. form, the latter agrees with the IV. f., pro- 
ceeding from the III. or causative form of verbs. This is very apparent 
in the last example, for, as of the natural sound haVi^ by the addition 
0^ fad'a, hat'ifad'a, to sneeze, is formed, the language now going 
backwards a step in order to come to the substantive, forms hat~izo, 
the sneezing, analogous to an imaginary III. form hafi^-a. 

This is still more evident in the following class of verbs. 

2. The termination fad^a is used in forming Denominatives (see 
num. 96 — 101); e. g. anifad^a^ to gnaw away the porous part of 
bones, from aniza, diploe, pars spongiosa ossium; dyilbcfaita^ to kneel, 
from dyilba, knee; bowafa(ta, to have the head-ache, from boico, head- 
ache; mutufifad'a , to throw with a stick, from niut'tWe^ cudgel; 
gufad^a, to stumble, from gufu, a stump, which, in felling trees, re- 



— 14 — 

mains in the ground; zalfad'a, to he ashamed, from "X^ala^ the genitals 
of man. In all these verbs the ending fad'a answers to a supposed 
IV. form. 

IV. Causative forms. 
53. 

In respect of its signification , the III. f. is in general the Cau- 
sative of the I. or radical form. The Causatives themselves, however, 
are not only all different as to the primitive signification of the root, 
but also as to the sense of the phrase in which they occur, and 
either correspond with a passive or an active meaning; for ex. wam%i%ay 
the III. f. of wamttj to call, may mean: to cause one to call, or to 
cause one to be called; bekziza: to make one know something, to 
let know; or objectively, to cause something to be known, to make 
known, to publish. But this ambiguity of the same form can only 
take place in transitives, and even here in comparatively but few 
instances. 

54. 

However, in neuter verbs the III. f. is not always causative, 
but very often it renders the verb only transitive, or else both unite 
in one and the same form; as: ka%a^ HI. f. of kd may signify: to 
cause one to get up, or, to lift, which are two different acts ari- 
sing from two different causes. It is evident that in this manner 
the sense is to be inquired for in the context. 

55. 

The characteristic of the HI. f., in regard to its formation, is a % 
placed between the root and the termination a — or which is the 
same thing, the termination za is affixed to the radical verb, which has 
then the power of producing the aforementioned modification of the 
primitive sense. 

In many cases this simple causative syllable does not suffice, and 
an extension of it takes place, that is, the syllables ziza are appended, 
which in distinction from the first manner, might be called a double 
causative syllable. The formation of the form itself follows the 
nature of the last radical. The subsequent numbers will contain the 
chief rules according to which the language proceeds in this operation. 

56. 

The verbs which have a vowel as their last radical, for ob- 
taining the HI. f. only add za to the root, as: 



15 



ganania, to be spoiled, 
debia, to give back, 
dedoa, to be thirsty, 
loa, to creep, 
gua^ to dry up, (intr.) 
dua, to fall, 

Exceptions to this are: 
tchea, to go through some- 
thing, 



III. f. ganam^a, to spoil, miseducate. 
debiza, to bring back. 
deboza, to make thirsty. 
loza, to make creep, to bore. 
guza, to make dry up. 



57. 



III. 



buzuy to overthrow. 



f, tcheziza, to let go through, to 
lead through. 
toziztty to let count. 
duziza^ to cause to die, to kill. 
feziza, to cause to saddle. 
foziza, to let spin. 



The contracted verbs in a, (from aa) likewise follow this rule, 
having primitively for their last radical an A 1 e p h which in the con- 
traction is dropped, as: 

kd, to rise. III. f. kaza, to lift up, to raise. 

„ datchaza, to lead back, to drive 



totty to count. 


)5 


dua, to die. 


J* 


fea, to pack, saddle. 


yi 


foa, to spin, 


» 




58. 



datchdy to return. 



tarzd, to be ragged. 


>? 


fardjdj to go asunder, 


>; 


bdj to go out. 


)> 


bobdy to go out. 


>j 


yd, to come in great mass. 


?> 


rard, to hang, {iniv.^ 


n 



home. 
tarzaza, to tear, tatter. 
fardjazttj to disperse (trans.) 
6a2J«, to drive out, to forgive, 

pay. 
bobaza, to drive out. 
yaza, to drive out (cattle.) 
raraza, to hang up (trans.) 



to 



59. 



Exception: bora, to be gray, which in the III. form, analogous 
to the verbs ending in / (see num. 77.), makes bortcha , to make 
gray, to dim. 

60. 

Verbs, the last radical of which is a liC-sound, also append za to 
the root, as : 

goga, to dry up, (intr.) III. f. gogza, to dry (trans.) 
dyiga, to fall down, „ dyigza, to trow over. 



— 16 



tika, to be a shepherd, 
bakaka, to burst, (intr.) 
baca, to melt, (intr.) 
dama(/ay to awake, (intr.) 
d'oka, to be hid, 
buluffft, to be tepid, 
huluf/a^ to creep through, 



III. f. tikza, to tend, guard. 



bakakza, to break, bruise. 
baczoj to melt, (trans.) 
damaffza, to awake, (trans.) 
d^okza, to hide, conceal. 
bulu(f%a^ to warm, make warm. 
huhu/zccy to help somebody out of 
difficulties. 



61. 



Exceptions are: 
beka, to know, 
d'aca, to go, 
d^UffOy to drink, 
dika, to be loathsome. 



111. f. bekziza, to let know, to inform. 
„ dacziztty to make go, to send. 
„ d'tiffztza, to cause to drink. 
„ dikziza, to loath, disgust. 
The last however is probably a Denominative, or its root is dika; 
but in this case the III. f. is also irregular. 

62. 

Verbs of which the last radical is a T-sound, whether they are 
primitive, deformative or onomatopoetical, by the addition of the char- 
acteristic of 'the III. f., change the T-sound into that of Dsch, or more 
probably tsli; but in order not to obliterate the root entirely, I have 
avoided this assimilation, and used the character z instead of it, as: 



irafad «, to forget, 

kad'a^ to run, 

kutUy to cut, 

gafad'ciy to ask, 

d'ed'a, to eat (of animals), 

bad'a, to carry, 

barbada, to seek, 



III. f. irafad'ziza^ to make forget. 
kad'ziza, to cause to run. 
kutziztty to cause to cut. 
yafad'zizay to let* ask. 
d'ed'ziza, to feed, forage. 
bad'zizay to make carry. 



63. 



barbadz iza. to cause to seek etc. 



This rule is subject to several exceptions. 

1. Some verbs add an i to their radicals: 

gudtty to be tall. III. f. (/udiza, to bring up, educate. 

yadtty to be concealed, „ yadizoy to go secretely; 

the last however is doubtful, for Aman spells it eafiza. 

2. In some verbs the T-sound is entirely omitted, and nothing 
but the simple causative ending za is added-, as is the case in 

dyiday to be wet; III. f. dyizay to make wet, to soak. 



— ±7 — 

3. In others the T-souud is likewise omitted, but the douoic 
causative ending is affixed: 

ffod'a, to make, III. f. (foziza, to let make. 

fud'a^ to take, „ fuziza, to let take. 

4. In one verb both these changes occur, that is, an / is inserted 
and f^.iza affixed, but the former is founded in the rule, that no 
three consonants can immediately follow each other: 

mudday to be fast. III. f. muddiziza, to make fast. 

5. Still more peculiar is the formation of the III. f. in duda, to 
be deaf, which produces the contracted verb dudz'a, to deafen, and 
this, having now become, as it were, a new root, follows the rules 
given for contracted verbs. 

64. 

Verbs which have f as their last radical add ziza to the root: 
afa, to prepare a bed, 111. f. afziza, to cause to prepare a bed. 

d'uftty to come, „ d'vfziza^ to cause to come. 

rafa^ to sleep, ,, rafziza, to lull asleep. 

nufa, to disgust, „ nufziza, to make disgusted with. 

haftty to rest, „ hafzizay to retain, etc. 

Exceptions to this rule are: 

1. Several verbs, that change the f into b before the causative 
syllable, viz. 

?/«, to be clear, III. f. ibza^ to make clear. 

huftty to fall, ,, kubza, to throw down. 

ci//tt, to be satiated, „ cubza^ to satiate. 

tchuftty to be closed, ,, tchubzay to close. 

2. Gomfa^ to be covered, does the same, but on account of 
the accumulation of consonants, an i is inserted, and thus is formed 
gombizay to cover. Tchumfay to press out, to squeeze out, probably 
proceeds in the same manner; the III. f. of this word, however, has 
not yet been met with. 

3. Lafa^ to be tender, forms lafizay to make tender, to soften, in 
the same manner as yuda. (see num. 63. 1.) 

4. Zifa^ to thrive, makes zifezuy to let thrive, analogous to the 
contracted verbs in a (from awci)^ to which no doubt it belongs. 



t'. i-^ . —^ -ft-- 
- %t, , "^ - 18 - 

65. 

When the last radical is ft^ jsa only is appended to the root: 
gedjiba, to be accustomed, III. f. gedjibza^ to accustom, break in 

(of animals.) 
tchaba, io be broken, „ tchabza, to break. 

d'nkuba, it aches, „ d'vkubza, to ache, oflFend. 

dlba, it alarms, aches, „ d'ibza^ to offend. 

cacaba^ to be short, „ cacabza, to shorten. 

zazaba, to be in danger, „ zazabz-a , to bring into danger. 

66. 

Exceptions: 

1. caba, to zeize, hold. III. f. cabziza, to make apprehend, 

hold etc. 
gubOy to burn, set on fire, „ gubziza, to cause to be set on fire. 

robOy to rain, „ robziza, to cause to rain. 

2. .^wdfl, Cprop. adv.: above) „ /7w6?2«, to cause to be established. 
duba, to speak, „ dubiza, to prattle, backbite. 
zalbtty to be light, „ zalbiza^ to make light, to scorn. 

67. 

Verbs, the last radical of which is y, place i before the causative 
syllable, as : 

iga^ to cry, HI. f. iyiza, to cause to cry. 

faya , to be healthy, „ fayizaj to cure, to make healthy. 

68. 

It is different, however, when by contraction in a (from aya)^ 
the y is omitted; then the III. f. is made analogous to that of the 
contracted verbs in a (from awa; see num. 73.) which is eza^ with 
this difference, that the latter termination is inflected, not according to 
the second but the first conjugation, as: 

gd^ to approach. III. f. gcza^ to conduct, lead. 

Arfl, to keep, reserve; „ keza^ to cause to keep. 

d'agdj to hear, „ a'ageza, to listen. 

69. 

There is likewise another Causative of (fagd, which, to distinguish 
it from the subjective dagcza^ to cause one's self to hear, might be 
called a Causative - Objective, viz. d'agziza, to cause another 
to hear, to let hear. 



19 — 



70. 
The rule followed by the contracted verbs in a (from aya)^ with 
regard to their inflection (num. 68.), is also followed by some verbs 
the roots of which are conjugated according to the first conjugation, 
or perhaps these roots may be nouns, as: 

tuttty to be full (as subst. heap), III. f. tuteza, to heap up. 
dyaba, to be strong, robust (subst. 
dyaba, strength, adj. dyaba, 
strong), 
guma, to be round (adj. yuma, 

round), 
d*era, to be long (adj. d'era 

Jong), 
faga, to be broad (adj. fago, 

broad), 
bal^a, to be broad (adj. bal^a')^ 



dyabeza, (-ito)to strengthen. 

gumeza, to make round. 
d'ereza, d-ita') to make long, 
to protract. 

fageza, (-?Y«) to divulge. 
bal^eza^ {j-ita') to extend, 
divulge. 



71. 



The inflection of the ending eza according to the 11* conjugation 
does not, however, dispense with the f in the IV. f., neither in con- 
tracted verbs nor in those just mentioned, thus: gefad^a^ tutefad'a, 
dyabefad'a from ga^ tuta^ dyaba, etc. 

72. 

The following are exceptions to the rule given in num. 68, 
td (contr. from taya'), to sit, which makes teziza, to set; and 
boa, to weep, which also has y in the root and makes boziza, 
to move to tears. 

73. 

Verbs which have w for their last radical are all contracted in 
a (from aiva^, and make the third form in eza, as: 

ulfa, to be heavy, pregnant, III. f. ulfeza, to make heavy, to get 

with child. 
qitl'tty to be equal, 
cobuy to be prepared, 
gvradja, to be black, 
did, to approach, 
buz a, to be cheap, 



qiVeza, to make equal. 
cobeza, to prepare. 
gtiradjeza, to make black. 
dieza, to bring near. 
buz eza, to make cheap. 
3* 



— 20 — 

74. 

The only exceptions are hnga, to shake, totter, and hica^ to pre- 
pare raw hides, which form bugiza and luqiz-a. 

75. 

If the last radical is r, za only is appended: 
ara, to steam, III. f. a7"za, to make a smoke. 

nrara, to be kind, ,, ararza, to concile. 

for tor a, to rot, „ tortorza, to make rot. 

warera^ to be shy, „ ivarerza, to terrify. 

durura, to drop, „ duriirza, to tap, broach. 

marara. to love, „ mararza, to make favourable. 

«ora, to be big, fat, „ sorsa, to feed, fatten. 

76. 

A few only add the double causative ending, as: 

abara, to curse, III. f. abarziza, to make angry. 

dira, to sow, „ dirziza, to cause to sow. 

baj^a, to learn, „ barziza^ to teach. 

77. 

The formation of the III. f , in verbs whose last radical is /, is 
peculiar, for they, like verbs ending in a T-sound, change the char- 
acteristic of the Causative into tsh^ as: 

Ola, to pass by, IIL f. oltsha j to cause to pass by, to 

defend. 
gala, to go home, „ galtsha, to bring home. 

tola, to be good, „ toltsha, to make good. 

bula, to pass the night, „ bultsha , to make pass- the night. 

78. 
The following verbs are excepted: 

1. mnla, to be visible; djala, to be greater, (of which probably 
both, but certainly the latter should be written with the Slavonic /, 
which is equivalent to a gemination) — and djalla, to be crooked, 
(which really geminates), insert an ? and form: muliza, to make visible, 
djaliza, to make greater, djalliza^ to make crooked, to bend. 

2. af('la, to boil, makes afelziza, to make boil. 

3. ilala, to see, forms ilaltshiza, to let see, to show, and is doubly 
causative in this form without being so in its signification. 



— 21 — 

79. 

Verbs which have m as their last radical simply add 55a to their 

root: 

ukamay to close one's mouth, III. f. ukam%a, to stop the mouth, to 

smother. 
djama, to be blind, „ djamza, to blind. 

tshoma, to be fat, „ tshomza, to fatten. 

d'mmy to cease, „ d'umza, to finish, help. 

bitimaj to go asunder, „ bitimza, to separate. 

rogoma, to tremble, „ rogomza, to frighten. 

80. 

The following verbs are excepted: 

uma^ to form, create, III. f. umziza, to cause to create. 

wama, to call, „ wamzizay to cause to call. 

d'ecama, to quarrel, scold, „ d'ecamziza^ to make angry, 

81. 
Verbs the last radical of which is n^ annex, without exception, 
the double causative ending to their root: 
azena, to enter. III. f. azenziza, to let in, admit. 

una, to taste, „ unziza, to cause to taste. 

godana, to travel, „ godanziza, to permit or cause to 

travel. 
tchinina, to bite, „ tchininzizaj to let bite, etc. 

82. 
If -^ (Ayin) is the concluding radical, an i is inserted before the 
causative syllable: 

ow^a, to be hot. III. f. ow^iza, to heat. 

nam^a, to enter, „ nanir^iza, to introduce. 

83. 
There is, in relation to the laws according to which the III. form 
is made, an important though not numerous class of verbs which might 
have been noticed in treating of the single consonants; but it will be 
better to give a comprehensive view of them here. They are those, 
that, besides the insertion of an i, in cases where three consonants 
would follow each other (for ex. in the 2"'* pers. sing, of the pres.), 
undergo a transposition of these consonants ; and this it is necessary 
to know, because the formation of the III. form depends upon it. Hith- 
erto only seven of these verbs have come to ray knowledge, viz. 



agar%i%a, to show. 
elemziza^ to cause to milk. 
kofalziZ'ttj to cause to laugh, 

dabarza, to let pass by. 

falamziza, to cause to alter- 
cate, to irritate. 

magarza^ to cause to grow, 
to make grow. 

zlribziza, to cause to dance. 



— 22 — 

1. argoy to see, (21^ pers. argUa 

or ayartd)^ III. f. 

2. f'/^wa, to milk, Qelmita or 

ehmtd)^ ,y 

3. /fo//«, to laugh, (kolfita or 

kofalta), „ 

4. darba, to pass by, {darbita or 

dabarta), „ 

5. falma, to altercate (falmita or „ 

falamtd)^ 

6. marga^ to grow, (jnargita or „ 

7. zirba, to dance, (zirbita or 

ziribta), „ 

84. 
Of niarga and <f«r6« as well as of rf'cf^a (mentioned in num. 69.), 
there is yet another Causative, which is objectively or passively related 
to the given subjective or active. Whenever magarza^ to let grow, 
to thrive, is said of the activity of a plant, and dabarza^ to let throw, 
to cause to throw, of a person who throws, then magarziza and dabarziz-a 
allude to an agency lying beyond the plant or the person throwing, which 
acting upon them renders them passive. As : qilVunke hamami ma^ 
garza barrana? how much has thy fig-tree borne [let grow) this 
year? — but: Wacayo mid' an magarziza, God let the corn grow. 
It is a question, however, whether the nature of the subject will allow 
us to consider the two as parallel forms, and as merely a double 
manner of expressing the same relation, or — whether it would not 
be more proper to consider the extension by the ending iza, as the 
V. form, and to regard all cases, where this extension is found, as 
V. root forms. According to this view, agarziza would not be the 
III., but the V. f. of arga^ and the third form, that according to the 
rule, ought to be agarza, would be regarded as wanting, since, accor- 
ding to the nature of the verb, it is inconceivable, etc. 

85. 
The verb tchiza, to lie, which has already in its root, as its last 
radical, the characteristic letter of the III. f., makes in the HI. f. 
Ishibza. This insertion of b, however , is neither accidental nor ar- 



^m!<-';OT!TCPill 



rrrr 



— 23 — 

bitrary, but seems to denote that, originally, the verb has an f in its 
root which in the III. f., analogous to the verbs kufa^ cufa^ ifa etc. 
(see num. 64. 1.), appears again as 6* 

86. 

It must be further observed, that there are some verbs, which, 
in respect of form, seem to be the III. forms of unknown radical words. 
The signification alone can here determine whether this is really or 
only apparently the case, but it might be difficult to hit upon the right 
in all cases. Such verbs are: gingiltcha^ to sift; firfirza, to strew 
upon; fatchiza, to fight; wetiza^ to sing; lakiza^ to leave ofi'; ledjiza^ 
to adjust; ligimza^ to swallow; zikza, to whistle; zokokza^ to move 
one's self etc. 

87. 
The V. form is, in signification, the Causative of the III., and 
is, without exception, formed in all verbs by annexing the causative 
syllable za to the III. f., the terminating a of which is thereby changed 
into i, or, which is the same thing, the termination iza is appended 
to the root of the III. f. which must now be considered as a new 
verb, as: 

kua^ to fall. III. f. ktiza, to overthrow, 

djamaj to be blind, „ djamza^ to blind, 

bobdy to go out, „ bohaza^ to drive out, 

boba^ to burn, ,, bobeza^ to set on fire, 

d^oka, to be concealed, „ d'okza, to conceal, 

V. f. kuziza, to let overthrow. 
„ djamziza, to let blind. 
„ bobaziza, to let drive out. 
„ bobeziza^ to get set on fire. 
,. d'okzizuy to let conceal etc. etc. 

88. 
The same may be said, not only with regard to the form, 
but the signification of the VII. form, where it occurs, as in 
effect it does wherever the nature of the verb admits of it; and pro- 
vided this condition be fulfilled, there is no reason why even a IX. f. 
might not be produced, though that is seldom the case ; thus kuziziza^ 
djamziziza, bobaziziza, bobeziziza, d'okziziza signify: to cause one 
to let throw down, dazzle, drive away kindle, hide. 



24 



V. Middle - Causatives. 

89. 

The causative forms mentioned above are all regularly constructed, 
and proceed one from the other in a simple uniform succession. But 
the language does not stop here. As the branches of some trees take 
root and shoot up again like trees themselves, in like manner the 
11. forms, being considered as the first branches, become, as it were, 
new roots, endued with the same property of producing as the primi- 
tive root, and thus new ramifications are developed according to the 
same laws as in the beginning. For ex. the simple formations of tiad'a, 
(0 eat, are as follows: 

Root. II. III. IV. V. 

naWa. nad'ad'a, nad'ziza. nad'%ifad*a, nad'z'iziza. 

yi. 

nad'z izifad'a. 
Now from the II. f. nad'ad'a, considered as a new root, a new 
Causative proceeds: nad'adziza, to let eat, to feed, which developing 
itself still further J forms nad'ad'zifada; and there is no reason why 
this power of producing should cease here, and not form also iiada- 
d'ziziza and nad'ad'z'izifad'a, though these forms have not yet occurred. 
The same thing takes place in 

ulfa, ulfad'a. ulfeza. ulfefad'a. etc. 

uifad'z iza. ulfadUz ifad'a. etc. 
and in a great many others. 

90. 

This property of propagation extends still further; for the IV. f. 
(or second middle form derived from the first regular Causative), appears 
again as a new root and ramifies according to the rules already given, 
so that the forms of bua, for example, are the following: 

bua. buad'a. buza. bufad^a. bnziza. buzifad'a. 

I, 

buad'ziza. buad'zifad'a. etc. 

bufad'ziza, bufad'z'ifad'a etc. 
baza. bafad'a. baziza. bazifada. 

{bad'ziza, bad'zifad^a, etc.) 

bafadLZiza, bafad'zifad'a, etc. 



of bd^ the following 
bd, bad a. 



— 25 — 

Rem. The forms had^%i%a^ bad^%ifacCa etc. can scarcely occur, 
since they coincide exactly with the regular 111. and IV. forms of 
bad'a „to carry"; and the language carefully avoids all chances of 
mistake, by confounding similar forms. 

91. 

As to their signifation, there exists but little difference between 
these Causatives and those which are regularly constructed, and it is 
nearly equal whether one says : buad'z'iza or bu%a; — nadad'%i%a 
or nad'%i%a; — nlfad^z'iza or itlfe%a; the manner of using these 
forms seems, however, to denote that the regular Causatives imply a 
sense of „causing, operating", whereas in the Middle -Causatives, a 
permission only is expressed; so that nad'%i%a signifies: to cause to 
eat, to feed, and nad*ad'ziza: to permit or allow to eat. A real diffe- 
rence, however, exists, when the form from which the Causative is 
derived , has already a special signification. Thus there is a great 
dift'erence between bafad'ziza and ba%i%a^ the former signifying: to 
make one lie down, the latter, to cause to overthrow, to let over- 
throw. 

VI. Onomatopoeticals. 

92. 

In num. 52. mention has already been made of a class of verbs 
which imitate natural sounds, and in which the Galla- language is 
richer than any other. For greater clearness it may be proper to enu- 
merate them more particularly. If the verbs which are derived from 
natural sounds by assuming the syllables ad'a and fad a be considered 
as constituting the first class of onomatopoeticals ; those verbs which 
already of themselves imitate such a sound, and consequently are to be 
taken as radical ones, will form a second class; to which belong, for 
example: 

afufa^ to blow; — ?«/«, to cry; — iyuzuy to roar; — kakiza^ to 
cackle; — korriza^ to snore; — catchamza^ to snap (of dogs); — 
qiqirza^ to tickle; — gadoda, to beJlow; — i/ororia, to hum, bellow; 
— ffuriffuma, to make a hollow sound; — tchaba, to break (intr.); ~ 
watcha, to chirp (of birds); — waz'awaz'a, to prattle, flatter; — 
ririd'a^ to scrape, rub; — lucuma, to eat with closed mouth; — 
zazaga^ to scratch out; hamumad'aj to yawn; hargana, to snori, 
breathe etc. 



— 26 — 

^' 93. 

A third clnsa comprehends all onoraatopoeticals, formed by the 
combination of natural sounds and the verbs djed'a, to say, and ffoeta, 
to make. As may be easily conceived, there exists a great number 
of them, inasmuch as any sound or the tone of any noise may be in 
this manner transferred into the department of verbs. The most fre- 
quent are : 

1. with djed'a, 

ee-djeda^ (to say yes) to affirm, assert; — cacak-djed'a, to crack; 
— caw-djeda^ (cmce, gun) to clap, report; djam-djed'a, to smack; — 
tUhdjed'a^ to sound, clink; — tirr- {trrr-') djed'a, to shrill; — tub^ 
djed'a, to clap ; — dolbok-djed'a^ to plump, said of heavy things fal- 
ling into the water; dirgim-djeda^ said of the sound produced when 
water meets over something which has been thrown into it; — fit- 
djed'a, to run aAvay; — birr- {brrr-') djed'a, to be afraid; — raf- 
djed'tty to burst (of solids); — harr-djed'a, id. (of the earth by great 
heat); — z-djed'a, to seeth, boil; — za-djed'a^ to clang, etc. 

2. with ffod'a, 

(/ig-ffod'a, to fasten; — caiv-god'a^ to clap, report; — gamdal- 
ffOd'a, to break off; — djal-goda^ to pierce; — djam-djam-god'a , to 
smack; — da-god'a or dadada-god'a, to beat, knock, etc. 

94. 

Another combination with djed'a which, strictly taken, belongs rather 
to the head of „Composite verbs" is found in dyal djed'a, to be quiet, 
to be silent, formed of the postpos. dyala, under, (adv. below) and djed'a, 
literally: to speak below, deeply, i. e. to speak low, or to be silent; 
— moreover it occurs in the verbs oli djed'a^ to raise one's self, to 
get up, and gadi djed'a^ to stoop, in which the imperatives of the 
verbs ola and gada {oli, gadi') are used as adverbs — upwards, down- 
wards — and combined with djcda to form the aforesaid verbs. 

95. 

It is interesting to observe, that, without a combination with 
djed'a or god'a, the natural sound dirgim (see num. 93. 1.), by taking 
the passive (reflective) ending ama, assumes the nature of a verb 
having the signification of „to wrap up, to sink down, to vanish". 
For instance: lafli dirginiamc, the earth covered itself (with mist or 
darkness), darkness or night closed over the earth, in the same manner 
as water closes over a stone that has been cast into it. The given 



- 27 — 

example is quite synonymous with the verb dukanae^ it became dark, 
night came on. 

VII. Denominatives. 



98. 

Another method of forming verbs which has already been men- 
tioned in num. 52. 1., is the conversion of nouns into verbs, or the 
formation of Denominatives. But as will be seen more plainly here- 
after in the exposition of Nouns, it is not easy to determine in every 
case, whether a noun be primitive or have a verb for its root, which 
last is generally the rule. Thus it is likewise, in many cases, hard 
to say whether any individual verb is a Denominative, (Denominatives 
being formed according to the same rules as the verbs) , or whether 
it is the II. III. or IV. form of a verbal root which is no longer 
in use. 

97. 

The real Denominatives appear to be the following: 



ayanfad'a^ to sanctify, 
arabza, to insult, 
alalfad'a^ to ruminate, 
anifad!a^ to gnaw off. 



ehi%a^ to bless, 


')'> 


oha%a, to feed. 


)? 


\to%i%a^ to dung, 


?? 


yanamfud'a^ to dawn, 


"t") 


f/oloza^ to gnaw off, 


>? 


gohiza^ to crook, curve, 


T) 


guyifad'a^ to adorn one's self, 


V 


gufad'a^ to stumble, 


5> 


dyilbefad'a^ to kneel, 


» 


dagaltcha^ to plait with reeds, 


1) 



dikZ'iza, to nauseate, 
d'ibafad'a, to bring a drink- 
offering, 
furifad'ttj to blow one's nose, 



from ayana, soul, spirit. 
„ araba^ tongue. 
„ alala^ chymus. 
„ aniza^ the spongy part of 
bones. 
eba, blessing, present. 
oba, noon. 
kozi, dung, soil. 
ganama, morning, 
gola, husk, hull. 
goiie, hook. 
guya, splendour. 
gufuj stump of a tree which 

remains in the ground. 
dy?lba, knee. 

dagala, high grass, reeds. 
dike, dirt, lilth. 
d'ibayu, drink-oflering. 

furi, discharge from the nose. 



— 28 — 



bowafacCa^ to have a head- 
ache, 
muts/iitshad'a, to glide out, 
mut^ut^ifacta^ to throw with 

a stick, 
%alfacCa, to be asharaed, 
'iogolfad'a, to wrap up, 
harkiza or harkifad'a^ to 

drag along, 
hambiza or hambifad'a^ to 
reserve. 



from boivo. head-ache. 



98. 



mutsha, child. 



mut^ufe, stick, pale. 

%ala., man's yard. 
Z'Ogola, upper-garment. 
hai'ka, hand. 

hamba^ remainder, residue. 



Those Denominatives derived from adjectives are all formed with 
the passive ending ma^ whereby the concluding vowel , whatever it 
may be, is changed into o; for example, from 

gari^ fair, line, is formed garoma^ to become fair. 

tola^ good, „ toloma^ to become good. 

hieza, poor, „ hioma^ to become poor etc. 

See num. 108 and 109. 



A proof to what extent verbal forms may be produced by the 
means hitherto spoken of, is found in the verb uffad'a, to dress one's 
self, which really is a Denominative of the reflective pronoun itf (t/^), 
one's self, here combined with the reflective middle ending f)ad'a. — A 
transitive derived from it, is tiiviza, to dress another (construed with 
-ti^ in which the f is changed into m?, a common occurrence in other 
langages. 

100. 
still more remarkable is the verb irafad'a, io forget, which, pro- 
perly speaking, ought not to be called a Denominative, since it is 
formed by the postposition ira^ from, away from, implying a sense of 
separation. The cause of this proceeding is, that a link in the chain 
of ideas is to be supplied, namely, the object, of which ira denotes 
a separation , and that the postposition , which in other cases is but 
an affix, must here be considered as entirely independent, and as 
having become a verb by means of the middle termination fada. 



'Un.-.-'mM!il'-,"R'''' 



2d 



101. 



Concerning: the verbs lamefad'a, %adifad'a^ afurifad'a etc. derived 
from numeral adjectives, see num. 215. 2. 



VIII. Intensitives and Frequentatives. 

102. 

The Galla-language has two ways of denoting the repetition of 
an action (Frequentatives), or of laying an emphasis on the significa- 
tion of a verb (Intensitives). 

1. By the repetition of the verb ; for instance : ademe ademe^ he 
often went, he always walked on ; kad'e kad'e d'ufe, he came in full 
speed, litterally: he ran^ ran, came. In such cases the second verb 
usually assumes the form of a participle j thus one could also say: 
kad'e kad'eti dufe, he ran (and) running he came. 

2. By the reduplication of the first syllable , in the following 
manner: 

Intens. kukiita, to dilacerate. 

„ tchatchabza, to break violently or 

with great noise, 
dyadyaba, to vaunt or to boast. 
gogrfftty to become very dry. 
giigumefad'a, hastily to make a 

bundle. 
tutura, to wait a long time. 
dudubad'a, to prattle. 
tata, to sit a long time. 
Z'Ozoba, to appease (by invented 

consolatory arguments) etc. 



kuta, to tear, cut olF, 
tchabza, to break, 

dyaba, to be strong, 
gogay to be dry, 
gumefad'a, to make round, 

tura, to wait, 
dubad'a^ to speak, 
<o, to sit, 

zoba^ to lie, to tell a false- 
hood. 



103. 



A singular anomaly is found in those verbs that begin with d\ 
According to all three of my authorities the d' in the reduplication is 
changed into rf, for instance: 



d'a^ to beat, 
d'actty to walk, 
d'aba^ to be wanting, 
diba^ it aches, 
iftijsra, to drink, 



Intens. dad' a, to beat heavily, strongly, 
„ dad'acoy to take a great walk. 
„ dad'aba^ to be very tired. 
„ dictiba^ to press, afflict. 
„ dud'uga, to drink very much, to 
guzzle etc. 



— 30 — 

A similar thing is found also in the conjugation and declension, 
which see in num. 189. 

104. 

A third manner of rendering a form emphatical occurs in impera- 
tives, where an augmentation is affixed instead of the reduplication. 
For this see num. 146 — 148. 

IX. Passives. 

105. 

Of all transitive verbs, and consequently also of all transitive forms 
derived from neuter verbs, a passive may be formed, although passive 
constructions are on the whole not very frequent. The Gallas prefer 
speaking in the active, and on being asked to translate passive sen- 
tences, they commonly avoid the passive construction as a difficulty, 
by paraphrasing with the 31^ person plur. active , so that instead of 
„he was caught", they say „they caught him." However, if a person 
makes use of the passive he is very easily understood. The formation 
of it is very simple. It is made in radical verbs by adding the ending 
ama to the root: 

dkeka^ passive: akekama; 
effa, „ eg ama; 

caba^ „ cabama; 

and in the transitive forms, viz. the III. V. and VII., by affixing the same 
ending to the last radical, which is still subject to the same alterations 
as in the construction of the middle forms. The causative forms of 
jlhe verb mara which are: 

III. marza, V. marziza, VII. marziziza, consequently form the 
following passives: 

marfama; marzifama; marzizifama; and the passive of the Middle- 
Causative marad'ziza^ which is made of the II. f. mar ad a, must be 
marad'zifama. Of the forms galtsha^ galtshiza^ f/altshiziza, the passives 
are: yalfama^ galtshifama^ ffaltshizifama, and so on. 

106. 

For the rest, that is, in respect to the conjugation, every passive 
form is considered as a verb the last radical of which is m, and is 
accordingly treated as such. 



— 31 — 

107. 

For forming the passive of verbs in a, (contracted from awa), it 
must be remarked that the w, which is lost in the contraction, reap- 
pears J the passive of laka, to pay, is consequently lakawama. 

108. 

A formation similar to the passive is that of denominative verbs 
derived from adjectives, wherefore they must here be mentioned. By 
adding the ending ma, verbs can be formed of adjectives, whatever 
their ending may be. But in all such cases the concluding vowel of 
the adjectives, and in those ending in eza, this whole termination, is 
changed into o before ma. As the form of these verbs is passive, 
they have likewise a passive signification. For instance of ardya, 
merciful, is made ardyoma, to become merciful, to let one's self be 
moved by prayers; from 

is formed garoma, to become fair. 

toloma, to become good. 

don^oma, to become avaricious. 

duloma, to grow old. 

hioma, to become poor. 

109. 
This indifference to the ending of the adjective in this formation 
is very singular, and to be met with nowhere else in the language. 
But it has the great adventage of enabling us to distinguish real ad- 
jectives from attributive verbs, as in determining whether a word is 
an adjective, the best proof is the possibility of making a verb of it 
by adding the ending oma. 

X. Composite verbs. 

110. 

The Galla language seems but little adapted for the composition 
of verbs, either with other verbs or nouns or particles; and if the ono- 
matopoeticals mentioned in num. 93. be not considered as composite 
verbs, there may be said to be none at all in the language. A single 
verb may be regarded as an exception to this general rule, which is 
gaddebia, to condescend, to degrade one's self, to humble one's self. 
It is compounded of gadi, downwards (properly the imperative of the 
verb gada, to throw away, to throw downwards), and debia, to turn 
back. In this connexion the 2, of gadi is dropped, which is not the case 



gari, fair, fine, 


is form 


tola, good, 


?) 


don-^a, avaricous, 


?? 


dula, old. 


?> 


hieza, poor, 


>j 



— 32 — 

in relation to other verbs; for ex. in (ladi lakiza^ to let loose, the 
two verbs stand separate and without any alteration of yadi. 

% !3. JTlocles. 

111. 

Strictly speaking, the Galla lan;2:uage has but four modes, the 
Indicative, Imperative, Infinitive and Participle, which last has much 
the nature of a tense, and is carried to great perfection. 

113. 

In one sense also a Subjunctive might be admitted. For in 
nearly all the cases where this mode is employed in Latin, for instance 
in indirect interrogative sentences, in depending relative sentences, in 
incidental sentences , in which the verb is governed by the conjunc- 
tions ut, ne, quin, quominus etc., the Galla verb is likewise, governed 
by the corresponding conjunctions aka^ aka hin, etc., subject to a pe- 
culiar alteration of its ending, viz. the concluding vowel is changed 
into u. In respect to this mode, however, the language has made 
only a beginning in this important part of its grammatical progress, 
which is evinced by the following facts: 

1. The change of the last vowel into w aflects only the three persons 
of the singular, and the first pers. plur. of the present, whilst the 
preterites nowhere appear altered. 

2. In all the afore mentioned cases, as well as in negative sen- 
tences with the negation hin that requires the same mode (see num. 
174.), the 2°.'' and SI** persons plur. of the present, since they already 
end in w, arrive at the subjunctive by borrowing the endings of the 
first preterite tense. 

By reason of its deficiency in forms, and other imperfections, I 
have not given this mode the name of subjunctive , however just the 
appellation might be, but in conformity with the modes to be treated 
in the following numbers, I prefer to designate it as the mode in ii. 
Particulars concerning its use are given in that portion of the syntax 
which treats of the Relatives, Negatives, and Conjunctions that go- 
vern it. 

113. 

There are moreover five mode-like relations which are repre- 
sented by affixed particles, and which, partly with and partly without 



— 33 — 

the modification of the verb, may be appended to all syllables of flexion, 
and either by themselves or by the aid of conjunctions, produce spe- 
cial shades of meaning. These particles are: re, miy ti, yi and in 
(inO', and as up to the present time I have found nothing analogous 
to them in any other language, and being unwilling to invent new 
denominations, I call them after the particles themselves, the mode in 
re, the mode in mi, ti, etc. 

The mode in re. 

114. 
This particle produces a mode in affirmative interrogative sen- 
tences, and answers to the German auxiliary verb „sollen" in the 
same connexion. Without causing any alteration, it is appended to 
all syllables of flexion and always takes the accent; for instance: 
malif ani %i egare'^. why should I wait on thee? — malif ati na 
egtare? why shouldst thou wait on me? — malif nu izan egnarel why 
should we wait on them, etc. 

The mode in mi. 

115. 

mi is the mode-particle in negative interrogative sentences and 
corresponds precisely to the Latin ,,nonne.''' It likewise produces no 
modification of the form of the verb. The word to which it is joined 
is always accented on the penultimate syllable; for instance: ani ziri 
djenemi'^ did I not say to you? — • ati nan dyalad*tumi? dost thou 
not love me? — It is very likely that this particle has some relation 
to the negative miti, which see in num. 175. 

The mode in ti. 

116. 

The mode-particle ti always depends on the conjunctions hama, 
until, or aka, in order that, and changes the concluding vowel of the 
present tense of the verb into n, or, which is the same thing, ti is 
always combined with the mode in u; for instance: t'uri haman ani 
d'ufuti, wait until I come; — nu egne hama i%an d'ufaniti, we waited 
until they came. 

117. 

We might take another view of this subject, and instead of con- 
sidering this construction as a modification depending on conjunctions, 

3 



— 34 ~ 

wc might regard it as a kind of declension by the postp. ti in con- 
nexion with the adverb hama j until, although the personal pronoun 
stands instead of the possessive, and the determined tense instead of 
the infinitive; according to this view the latter of the above examples 
ought to be translated thus: we waited until or for their coming, or 
having arrived. 

The mode in yi. 

118, 

yi is particularly governed by the conjunction oto y signifying 
„ while or whilst"; for ex. oto ati muka dyala tezuyi ani zi arge^ 
whilst thou wert sitting under the tree I saw thee. Also this par- 
ticle, as the example shows, is combined with the mode in u; but 
here likewise the conjecture given above of a kind of declension of 
the verbal form, might be admitted. 

The mode in ni. 

119. 

ni occurs only in negative sentences and is exclusively governed 
by the conjunction oto, which then has the signification of „ without" 
(followed by a participle); for instance: oto i%an honia hinattini ga- 
fani, they returned home without having eaten any thing. It is to be 
observed, that in this mode no attention is paid, either to the flexion or 
the tense, but the same single form coincides in respect to its for- 
mation with the 2".^ pers. sing, of the imperative, and serves for all 
lenses and persons. Oto homa hinadUni, may thus signify: without 
eating, having eaten, going to eat — without thy eating, having 
eaten, going to eat — without his, our, your eating etc. This particle 
has probably some relation to the negative hin. 

% 3. Tenses. 

120. 

The Galla has only four tenses: the Present, two Preterits and 
one Future. 

121. 

The Present, as has been already stated, being the most simple 
form of the verb , contains the pure root which is the basis of the 



— 35 — 

verbal formations. In the second person of it is found the character* 
istic which determines the conjugation. 

122. 

The first or simple Preterit, like the Latin imperfect and the 
Greek aorist, is used in narrating, but it might also, in the Semitic sense, 
be called an aorist, since it stands for the past as well as for the 
future, and fills the place of the pluperfect and second future. 

123. 

The second Preterit is a contracted one, and formed of the first 
together with an auxiliary, in which is found a peculiarity not un- 
common in this language, viz. that the principal verb is inflected as lA 
well as the auxiliary, which is still visible even after the contraction. 
This is more evident in the analyzed forms, which are employed quite 
as often as the others. (See num. 140.) According to its signification 
this tense is a pure perfect. 

124. 

The Future in Galla expresses only an indefinite future time, and 
its formation is strictly Indo- German. As, for instance, in French or 
Italian the present of the auxiliary verbs avoir and avere, added 
to the infinitive of the verb, form the future , thus in Galla the auxi- 
liary dyiroy to be (to exist, to live), is combined with the infinitive 
of the verb, except that the abbreviated particle fu (^f) on account of, 
for, to, and in the first person «/i, (the abbreviated personal pronoun 
a«/, I) is inserted which naturally falls away in the remaining per- 
sons. Thus, for instance, I shall love, which in the two languages 
mentioned is: I have to love, j'aimer-ai, amer-o, is expressed in Galla: 
1 am to love, I am on the point of loving, analogous to the English 
„1 am about to love." 

Concerning the manner of determining the future more accurately, 
see num. 14S. 

§ 4. JVuinbers. 

125. 

The Galla distinguishes in verbs as well as in nouns only two 
numbers, the singular and the plural. No indication of a dual has 
been met with, but a decided inclination to the collective, which, 
however, with regard to the verb, is considered as unity and of the 

3* 



— 36 — 

feminine gender, even though the notion comprehend masculine indi- 
viduals. 

§ 5* Oenders. 

126. 

Only two genders are distinguished, the masculine and the fem- 
inine. For the latter the verb has in the Sl^ person sing, a special 
form. 

§ 6. Perisoiis. 

127. 

The verb has in every tense, and almost in every mode, (see 
num. Ill — 119), three persons in both numbers. But in order to de- 
termine their forms, if they are not indicated by nouns, as is very 
often the case in the 31^ person, personal pronouns are always neces- 
sary, the verbal form alone not being sufficient. 

§ 7. Conjugations. 

128. 

By proceeding in the exposition of conjugations in accordance with 
the view already mentioned, and considering the flexion as the distin- 
guishing characteristic, as in the Indo- German languages, I obtain, 
according to the different forms of the second pers. sing, pres., three 
conjugations, according to which all verbs in Galla, whether primitive 
or formed by any grammatical operation whatsoever, are inflected. 

129. 

Thus the I. conjugation is that, which in the 2".'' pers. sing. pres. 
affixes ta, as also the syllables of fiexion of the other persons, to the 
root, without altcrating the preceding radicals. 

The II. conjugation is that, where the 2".^ pers. changes the con- 
cluding radical of (he root into /j which is preserved before all con- 
sonants of flexion that, for the rest, are the same as in the I. con- 
iugalion. 

The III. conjugation is that, where the T.^ person, changing both 
the last radicals, ends in eza and where, consequently, the character- 
istic letters of flexion are entirely wanting. 



— 37 — 

130. 

According to the I. conjugation are to be inflected: 

1. The verbs the last radical of which is a vowel. 

2. The contracted verbs in a (from aa) the last radical of which 
seems to be «, but is more probably an Aleph, which falling away 
produces the long a {a); and as the second pers. only adds ta^ it 
brings them under the I. conjugation. 

3. Those verbs the last radical of which is one of the labials 
b, m^ f or the peculiar T-sound T, but without an alteration of the 
root. This class comprehends the passives of all verbs. 

4. The verbs, the last radical of which is a lingual (/, r, t, d, 
d\ n) with the single alteration, that wherever in the flexion n is 
affixed to the root, an assimilation takes place; so that: 

a) In is changed into 11^ rn into rr ; 

b) the T-sounds t, d, d' and ?i, are completely absorbed with- 
out a gemination. 

This fourth class includes all middle forms. 

5. Verbs, the last radical of which is a palatal: k, c and g, 
where no alteration occurs, except that the k before the consonants 
of flexion is softened into ch, for ex. ani beka, 2"/ pers. ati bechta. 
But this was only met with in the dialect of Akafed'e; the two others 
left the k unaltered. 

6. All verbs the last radical of which is a consonant preceded 
by a consonant, and also those where the last radical is geminated or 
where it is a T.9/i-sound or y; and finally those verbs the last radical 
of which is Ayin with a consonant preceding. But in all these cases, 
if by an accumulation of consonants in the flexion a harshness is pro- 
duced, it is avoided by the insertion of an i. 

131. 

Several verbs, in which the consonant placed before the last 
radical is a liquid, r or I, have besides this insertion of an i, another 
manner of avoiding the harshness; they undergo a transposition of 
consonants, for instance: kolfa, 2"^ pers. kolfita or kolfata instead of 
kolfta. This has been already mentioned in num. 83. where the verbs 
which belong to this class were enumerated. 

132. 

The insertion of an i also sometimes occurs where it is much 
less required, especially in verbs in /before Uj thus we say for instance: 
dabalina instead of dabalna. 



— 38 



133. 

To the II. conjugation belong: 

1. Verbs the last radical of which is % preceded by a vowel. 
This class comprehends the causatives of all verbs with the exception 
of those mentioned in num. 68. 

2. The contracted verbs in a, the last radical of which is pri- 
mitively w, Avhich being dropped produces a-, but appearing again in 
the flexion as f, it changes a into o; for ex. laka Ccontr. from lakawd), 
21^ pers. lakofta. 

134. 
To the III. conjugation belong only the third class of contracted 
verbs, namely, those in a, the last radical of which is y^ which in 
the contraction forms dj and renders the inflection irregular by altering 
the vowel, and by an admixture ef some other elements of flexion 
entirely foreign to all other classes. 

135. 

The table which is here added contains the paradigms for the 
three conjugations placed near to each other for the sake of compa- 
rison. For the first conjugation a verb in ma has been chosen, as 
hereby a special paradigm for the passive is unnecessary, the passives 
of all verbs being inflected exactly according to this verb. 

It would likewise be superfluous to give special paradigms for 
the modes, as, with the exception of the mode in w, which alone mo- 
difies the verbal form, they are represented by means of particles 
which are appended to the verbal forms without altering them. 



— 39 



Paradigm of the conjiigatioiiis* 



I. 




II. 






III. 






Present. 






Sing. 




Sing. 






Sing. 


1. adema 




tshiza 






td 


g^ 2. ademta f 


^U^/t^^- 


tshifta 






teza 


' 3. adema 




tshiza 






td 


fcm. ademti 




tshifti 






tezi 


Plur. 




Plur. 






Plur. 


1. ademna 




tshifna 






tena 


2. ademtu 




tshiftu 






tezu 


3. ademu. 




tshizu 






tau 




I P r 


e t e r i t 


fAorist). 


n 


Sing. 


e 


Sing. 






Sing. 


1. ademe 


fe/M*«e 






tae 


"i. ademte 




tshifte 






t€%e 


3. ademe 




tshize 






tae 


fem. ademte 




tshifte 






teze 


Plur. 




Plur. 






Plur. 


1. ademne 




tshifne 






tene 


2. ademtani 




tshiftani 






tezani 


3. ademani 




tshizani 






laani 




II. P r 


e t e r i t 


(Perfect J. 


-> 


Sing. 


^/^ 


Sing. 






Sing. 


1. ademera 




tshizera 






taera 


2. ademterta 




tshifterta 






tezerta 


3. ademera 




tshizera 






taera 


fem. ademterti 




tshifterti 






tezerti 


Plur. 




Plur. 






Plur. 


1. ademncrra 




tshifnerra 






teiierra 


2. ademtanirtu 


tshiftanirtu 






tezanirtu 


3. ademaniru 




tshizaniru 






taaniru 



ik. A: 



'■ h /• -+- (hU- 



— 40 



I. 


II. 

Future. 


III. 


Sing. 


Sing. 


Sing. 


1. ademufandyira 


tshixAifandyira 


taufandyira 


2. ademufdyirta 


tshizufdyirta 


taufdyirta 


3. ademiifdyira 


tshizrtfdyira 


tavfdyira 


fem. ademufdyirti 


tshizufdyirti 


tanfdyirti 


Plur. 


Plur. 


Plur. 


1. addmiifdyirra 


tshizufdyirra 


taiifdyirra 


2. adcjmifdyirtu 


tshiZ'Ufdyirtu 


taufdyirtu 


3. ademufdyiru 


tshizufdyiru 
Imperative. 


taufdyiru 


Sing. 


Sing. 


Sing. 


2. «rf6'mi 


fS^?»2 


tai 


3. /i« ademu 


/ia tshi%u 


ha tau 


Plur. 


Plur. 


Plur. 


2. «rf6^m« 


tshi%a 


taa 


3. /i« ademani 


ha tshizani 
Infinitive. 


ha taani 


ademu 


^s/«2i5l^ 


tau 


J. Par 


t i c i p 1 e (Present and Aor.) 


Sing. 


Sing. 


Sing. 


1. ademetani 


tshizetani 


taetani 


2. ademtcti 


tshifteti 


tezeti 


3. ademeti 


t^hizcti 


tacti 


fem. ademteti 


tshifteti 


tezeti 


V\\kl 


Plur. 


Plur. 


1. ademneti 


tshifneti 


teiieti 


2. ademtaniti 


Ishiftaniti 


tezaniti 


3. adema/niti 


tshizaniti 


taaniti 



II, Participle (Perfect). 
ademnani tshifnani tenant 



— 41 — 

§ 8. Remarks on the Conjugations. 

136. 

In the verbs whose last radical is a T-sound, wherever in the 
inflection r t is added to the root (in the 2°.^ pers. sing. «ind plur.), 
and where probably an assimilation of both takes place, I have, for 
greater clearness, and not to obliterate the root, avoided this assimila- 
tion and left both letters standing by each other-, for instance: 

kuta t'uVa dida fud'a 
2"'^ pers. sing, of the present: 

kntta furta didta fud'ta 
SI!* pers. plur. aorist: 

kuttani tuftani didtani fud^tani. 

The remark which has already been made in num. 20. 3., may 
also be repeated here, viz. that the t" when it stands before the in- 
flective consonant w, is neither assimilated with this consonant nor is 
it absorbed, as is the case with the other T-sounds, but remains un- 
altered; as: furnay we smoke, not t^una^ as might be supposed. 

137. 

Verbs which have cf* for their last radical, comprising consequently 
the middle forms of all verbs, are distinguished by the peculiarity that, 
while otherwise in all three conjugations the 31^ pers. sing, has the 
same form as the 11', in the present as well as in the I. and by con- 
sequence in the II. preterit, the d' is changed into d; thus: 

pres. 1. had'a^ I eat, bufad'a^ I lay myself (the V. f. of 

2. nad'ta bufud'ta bua, to fall). 

3. nada bufada 
I. pret. 1. nad'e bufad'e 

2. nad'te bufad'te 

3. iiade bufade. 

This has two analogies: in the reduplication of verbs which begin 
with this consonant, and in the nominative of nouns which have it in 
their ending, the same change takes place. See num. 103. 

138. 

The verb d'iza, to stretch, to nail to (for ex. a skin for tanning), 
deserves a special mention, as, probably in order to distinguish it from 
di%a^ to let, it is not inflected according to the second but the first 
conjugation, whereby, however, it does not follow the other exceptions 



42 



by inserting an ?', but appends the inflective syllables immediately to 
the root which remains unaltered, thus: sing, d'tza, d'tzta, d'iza, 
€t'izti; plur. d'rznaj d'iztu, d'lzu, etc. 

139. 

In the rule given in num. 134. are included those verbs that 
apparently end in oa^ but in reality have the termination oya ; and as 
the y is lost by contraction the o in oa becomes long. But one single 
verb of this kind has hitherto come to my knowledge, viz. boa (boyd)^ 
to weep. However I have no hesitation in believing that this one 
known verb represents a whole class of them. In inflecting it according 
to the III. conj., it is to be observed that the long o remains unchanged, 
whereas verbs in a change this vowel into e; in this way: 

Present. I. Preterit. II. Preterit. 

Sing. Sing. Sing. 

1. boa boe boera 

2. boza boze bozcrta 

• 

3. boa boe boera 
fem. bozi boze bozerti 

Plur. Plur. Plur. 

1. bona bone bonerra 

2. bozu bozani bozanirtu 

3. bou boani boaniru 

I. Participle: boetani, bozetiy boeti , fem. bozetij plural: boricti, 

bozanitiy boaniti. 
II. Partic. bonani. 

140. 

That the II. preterite is really compounded of the I. and an aux- 
iliary, and subsequently contracted, is evident from the following 
facts: 1. that in the middle of those forms, a flexion, answering to 
the termination, is perceptible; and 2. that the analyzed forms fre- 
quently occur in the idiom of Goma, and still oftener in that of Zibu. 
This discovery first drew my attention to those contracted forms. In- 
stead of the given paradigm we can also say: 



Sing. 

1. ademe dyira 

2. adcmte dyirla 

3. adcme dyira 
fem. adcmte dyirti 



Sing. 
tshize dyira 
Ishifte dyirla 
tshize dyira 
tshifte dyirti 



Sing. 
tae dyira 
teze dyirta 
tae dyira 
teze dyirti 



^ rs — 

Plur. Plur. Plur. 

1. adenine dyirra tshifne dyirra tene dyirra 

2. ademtani dyirtu tshiftani dyirtu tezani dyirtu 

3. ademani dyiru tshizani dyiru taani dyiru. 

Hence it appears that for forming* the II. preterit, the I. is neces- 
sary, to which through all the persons, the auxiliary dyira is appended. 

141. 

TTiere is no difference in signification between the contracted and 
the analyzed forms, at least none was made by the Gomanian and the 
Zibuanian; in the dialect of Akafed'e the analyzed forms seemed 
more emphatical, and only used when a certain stress was intended. 

142. 

Besides the method given in the paradigm of denoting the future, 
the Galla has still another way of expressing it more accurately, and 
in gradual approximation to the present; this is done by the tenses 
of the verb ya^ to draw near, to approach, being combined with the 
infinitive of the verb in question, by which four different periods are 
distinguished, from the most distant future down to the time nearest 
the present. Besides y^ini d'ufafdyira^' he will come, the Galla, as 
the time of the real arrival is more or less distant, says also: 

1. ini d'ufu yaufdyira^ lit. he will approach to come; 

2. ini d'ufu yd^ he approaches to come 5 

3. ini d'ufa yae^ he approached to come; 

4. ini d'ufu yaera or yae dyira, he has approached to come fwhen 
the arrival is nearly at hand) ; and to this precise distinction strict 
attention is paid by the Gallas. 

143. 

Aga, in the usual future formed with the auxiliary dyira ^ did 
not abbreviate the adverb fu (see num. 424), but always employed 
the full forms. Instead of j^izin debiufdyirti'^ , she will come back, 
he said: izin debiufudyirti. — These and all similar forms would 
perhaps be better written, not in one word but separately, (for ex. 
debiu fu dyirti^ \ but this is of no great consequence, and might easily 
lead to mistakes. 

144. 

In the imperative mode, the Gallas like to place the personal 
pronouns afo', thou, and mn, you, before the 2"J' person; for instance: 



— 44 — 

Waeayo ati nit ijnUshi, God, may est thou guide us home; however 
it is not necessary. 

145. 

The middle forms of all verbs (in d*a) have not i in the 2"'^ pers. 
sing, of the imperative, but w. Radical verbs ending in d'a follow 
the rule; for instance: fud'a^ to take, imperat. fud'ij take; II. f. fu- 
dad'a^ im^er.fudad'u, take for me; — barbad'a, to seek, imper. barbadti; 
II. f. barbad'ad'tty imp. barbad'ad'uy look for me, in my stead. 

164. 

In very forcible commands, the imperative may be made emphatic 
by adding the syllable ti ., as: ama daqrti ^ now be gone! — dafiti, 
be quick! — nama wamad'aii ^ call people! — simply; d'aqi, dap,, 
ivamad'a I 

147, 

Another intensitive form of the imperative, is made by adding 
the interjection ka, which answers to the German „doch, aber doch", 
as: benuka iniyafana^ lass uns doch gehen und fragen, but let us go 
and ask! ■ — taikUy but be seated, but stay! — kod'uka, now do come 
here! — This ka is also found appended to the intensitive ti of the 
preceding num., as: tafitika, but do be quick! 

148. 

Summoning and encouraging, as in other languages, are expressed 
by the 11* pers. plur. pres. as: kod'u ind'acna, come let us go! — 
har^uma dubi fifana, let us finish our quarrel to-day (immediately 
to-day). 

149. 

The particle ha, placed before both the 3'f persons of the impera- 
tive, is spoken by Aman hai (^hayii^^. 1 was unable to ascertain its 
real nature, that is, whether it partakes of the character of a verb or 
not. It is more probable that it does not, since it remains invariable, 
as well before the singular as the plural. In respect to the significa- 
tion, it corresponds to the auxiliaries „ought," or j,may", in the same 
construction. Hat tau, it shall be done, f. ex. is the usual and ready 
answer to a request, if consented (o, or to a command, when promised 
(0 be executed. — For the rest, it is evident that this particle has the 
same infiuence on the form of the verb as aka, hama and others; in 
other words, that it governs the mode in ii. 



— 45 — 

150. 

The verbs in d'a^ not only the middle forms hot also the primi- 
tives, have, besides the regular infinitive in rf'w, a secondary form in 
d'zu^ vrhich is mostly found in those sentences where the infinitive 
depends on another verb , and where in this dependency an intention 
is expressed, positively or negatively. It occurs mostly: 

1. In verbs which denote motion, as: mana idycirad*%u d'aqe^ he 
went to build a house j — izan nuti hirmad'% u d'ufani , they came 
to help us; — izan harhad'zu d'acaniy they went to look for; (here 
also barbad'u, and even barbad*a d'acani are in use.) 

2. In the negative verbs (see num. 176.} dida ^ to deny, refuse; 
bad'a, to omit; and d'aba (dad* aba) to fail, to be unable, to want 
strength; as: iza wadjin dubad' z- ndide y he did not speak with him, 
lit. he declined to speak with him; — homa djed'z'udide, he said no- 
thing; — ho icana lad'zu bad'te, zi adjeza, if thou give me nothing 
to eat, I shall kill thee; — kad'zu dadab'e^ he could not run any 
longer, he was too tired to run. Although in the last two verbs, no 
intention is expressed, nevertheless their negative nature places them 
in this class. 

3. In verbs which signify: to will, to wish, to long for (fed'a^ 
kadyela, d'arra etc.}; for ex. ati bndena nad'zu fcd'ta? wilt thou 
eat bread ? — ini fon kana fud'ad'z u kadyele, he was eager to take 
(for himself) that meat. 

4. In verbs of fearing, as: ini kakad'zu zodad'a , he feared to 
swear. 

151. 

The reason of writing this form with z Qd'z'u), is already given 
in num. 17. and 62., viz. in order to prevent any misunderstanding, 
the alteration of d' into one of the given Z>67«-sounds (probably into 
tsli) has been avoided, and the z employed, in which manner the 
concluding radical remains apparent. 

152. 

The Galla has two participles, one of which is the participle of 
the present and narrative past tense; it is inflected through all the 
six persons, and provided with a special form for the feminine; and 
it is capable therefore of a precise application in the sentence. The 
second is the past participle, corresponding with the perfect and plu- 
perfect of the Latin. 



— 46 — 

153. 

The first evidently consists of the I. preterit (aorist) tense and 
the particle ti affixed, the persons of this tense remaining^ entirely 
unchano:ed5 except that in the 11* pers* sing, the personal pronoun 
rt/i?, I, is appended, whereby the i in ti is lost; thus ademe-t{i) -ani 
becomes ademetani, 

154. 

Great care, however, must be taken with these participial forms, 
not to mistake them for cases where the postp. ti ^ as the sign of a 
case, is appended to the verb instead of the noun, and thus engende- 
ring forms which have exactly the same sound as these participial 
forms. This most frequently takes place in inserted relative sentences, 
as: nu bid kana himbekneti gargara walalle, as we did not know the 
country, we wandered about. Here himbekneti is a participle with 
the negation: „we not knowing etc."; but, i%an bia nu himbekneti 
na gezani J they led us into a country we did not know. In this 
sentence the ti appended to himbekneti is properly the sign of the 
case belonging to the subst. bia^ viz. the postp. ti, to, in, and nu 
himbekne is merely a simple not a relative sentence, but which, for 
the reason that it is determined, and placed between bia and the sign 
of its case (ti), becomes a relative sentence, (see num. 249. 5.) 

155. 

The participial forms will be less easily confounded with the in- 
tensitivcs of the imperative, (num. 146), since the most superficial ex- 
amination will enable the reader to discover the difl'erence of the 
vowels that form the distinction. 

156. 

The perfect participle, for all persons and numbers, has but one 
form, which likewise seems to be borrowed from the aorist; for in 
all cases , the 11* pers. plur. of it gives the form of this participle a« 
soon as the terminating e is cut oft' and the ending (particle ?) ani 
is appended in its stead; — ademn-e (y) ani . — In verbs which 
transpose the consonants (see num. 83. and 131.), as there are double 
forms through the whole conjugation, (here are also two forms of the 
perfect particnple, as: arginani and agarani ; — %irbinani and "zibiV" 
rani: — kolfmuni and kofalnani — after I, thou, he, she, we, you, 
they had seen, danced, laughed. 



t 



— 47 — 

The use of the participles in Galla is very extended, and con- 
stitutes one of the beauties of the language. On this account a special 
chapter of the syntax will he dovoted to treating of it. 

§ e. Defective verbs. 

157. 

Hitherto but two defective verbs have been found, and one of 
them scarcely deserves the name, since it is certainly only a modified 
person of a regular verb. One is benu , sing, and bena plur. in the 
sense of: up, courage, go on ! which no doubt is the corrupted 11* pers. 
plur. present of bd, standing instead of banu, bana, let us go. — 
The other is the imperative kod'u, plur. kod'a, „come'', derived from 
a root kod'a, of which nothing remains but these two forms. 

The three verbs : ydy to come in crowds, to draw near, to stream, 
to flow, — nam^a to enter any place in multitudes, and nacama, 
having the same signification, are only used in the plural, or rather 
they have no singular on account of their collective signification. The 
feminine form alone of the singular number is used in connexion with 
collective nouns, because these, as will be demonstrated hereafter 
(num. 180), are for the purpose of conjugation, considered as singular 
and feminine, even if in their nature they are of the masculine gender, 
as: daryagon gude dubiti gate y the young men (youthful multitude) 
flow into the assembly of the people. Nacama is perhaps lit. the 
passive of nac a, to pour, to empty into a thing etc., and is ranged 
under this class by reason of its reflective signification: to empty 
one's self, 

§ lO. The prefix in. 

138. 

The Galla language is as poor in prefixes as it is rich in affixes, 
for I have discovered but one, and even this is of very subordinate 
signification. The prefix in (in the full form inQ is regulary placed 
before the 11* pers. sing, and plur., and frequently before the other 
persons; and this prefix is in the 11* pers. augmented by the pers. 
pronoun ani (abbrev. «w.) 

Examples: i. Macad'uyinaniiala, stand aside, let me see. — 2. ani 
inayada, I think. — 3. ani duri inand'agae^ I have heard a long time 
ago. — 4. i%in inimarad'tij she is mad. — 6. benuka inigafana, come 



— is- 
let us ask I — 6. ati iniyad'taj dost thou think? — 7. nama wama 
inhina^ call people, we will tie him I — 8. galgalon inicd^ the bag 
has a hole. — 9. ani ama inanadema, I shall now ga away, etc. 

Obs. With respect to the form rnayada, in the second example, 
it is to be observed, that the a of the personal pronoun ani ^ is ab- 
sorbed by the following y, the complete form being inanyada. 

159. 

Concerning the nature and signification of this prefix, I have form- 
ed a variety of conjectures. At first I took it for an adverb of place, 
answering to the French „en", or the Italian „ne". To this supposition 
1 was led by the 9*!^ example in which it first occurred to me, thus 
ani inanadema would have signified literally: je m^en vais. — But 
this is contradicted by most of the other examples. According to some, 
it appeared to be a pronominal particle, representing the S'J^ pers. sing, 
and plur. masc. and fern, as the object of the verb, so that inigafana 
would signify: let us ask him, her; — inhina, we will bind him, 
her; — inand'agae^ I have heard it, and so on. But this latter con- 
jecture is not supported by other sentences, as the 4*.^ and S*^' ex- 
amples, in which in represents no object. 

160. 

As these contradictions would have made it necessary to attribute 
to this particle a variety of significations, I came at last to the con- 
clusion that it was not of sufficient consequence to deserve any further 
research, and that it was merely a euphonical prefix, or one of the 
many rhetorical conveniences of the Gallas, who, instead of passing 
sharply from one word to another, prefer first to construct a bridge 
betw* en them, either with simple vowels or whole syllables. Besides 
this prefix and the repetition of cm, there must be included in the 
same class the insertion of the syllable da before the n (m) of the 
instrument, and above all the frequently occurring s and other flourishes 
used by Mr. Krapf's authority, by whom this convenience is carried 
to an excess. 

% 11. Irregular Terlis. 

161. 

To the few who may engage in the study of the Galla, it may 
afford some pleasure to hear that there are in it no irregular verbs. 



— 49 — 

The only one that I have found, which, however, may possibly repre- 
sent a whole class, is dyadya, to wonder, to praise; but this must be 
extremely irregular, for the three Gallas who used it were unable to 
conjugate it themselves, though often requested to do so. It is there- 
fore no fault of mine that I can give no further information respect- 
ing it. 

§ t!3* AiinLiliary verbs. 

162, 

It may appear strange to place the discussion of auxiliaries after 
that of the regular verbs, especially as it is usual, even in oriental 
grammars, to treat of them first; they being considered as indispen- 
sable elements of conjugation. This departure from the usual arrange- 
ment will, however, be justified by the circumstance, that the few real 
auxiliaries in the Galla, as well as some other verbs which for syn- 
tactical reasons are included in the same class, are not irregular, but 
follow the general rules of conjugation. 

163. 

As the paradigm shows, there is, strictly speaking, but one 
auxiliary necessary for the conjugation of verbs, viz. dyira. For 
the more precise determination of the future, however, yd is used, 
which being in all respects a complete verb, requires no further re- 
mark than that it serves as auxiliary to itself. For ex. instead of 
bokeni ind'ufa rain is coming, a storm is advancing, it is said: bokeni 
ga- bokeni yau yd; bok. yau yae; bok, yau yaera. Of dyira, however, 
and for comparison's sake, of the copula da, as well as of the verbs 
above alluded to which are not properly auxiliaries, viz. dandd, to be 
able, etc., a slight mention must here be made, (though they belong 
rather to the head of syntax), inasmuch as the construction of these 
verbs have naturally some influence on the conjugation. 

164. 

The verb dyira is used only in the present, and in the 2°/ and 3'f pers. 
plur. of the I. preterit, (^dyirtani, dyirani^ in negative and dependent 
sentences. In this respect dyira must be classed with the defective 
verbs. 

165. 
The primitive signification of dyira is: to be, to exist; II. form 
dyirad'uj to be for one's self, to live. Hence it follows that dyira is 

4 



— 60 — 

never used as a copula between the subject and the predicate, but is 
a substantive verb ocurring only in combinations like the following: 
obolf'nike mana dyira? ee hindyiram ^ are thy brothers at home? no 
they are not. (Respecting ee^ yes, instead of wau^ no, see Dictionary.) 

166. 

The copula in Galla is the affix d'a, which doubtless is the same 
ending that, in the verbs, serves as a termination for the middle forms, 
but which here has dropped the nature of a verb, the copula remaining 
invariable in all persons and numbers. (See num. 195. and 198.) 

167. 

The same ending is also sometimes used, where dyira is expected 
to occur, as: dini nama dinad'ati hillafu^ the enemy does not spare 
the enemy. Here the words nama dinad'a constitute a relative sen- 
tence (see num. 249. 4.), and the whole being analyzed runs thus : 
diniy the enemy — hillafu , spares not (lit. becomes not soft — tiy 
towards, ioiT) nama(J,i)^ &.m2txi — (kariy who) — dinad'a, is an enemy. 
But the d'a in the analysis could by no means be used, as it must 
necessarily be, kan dina dyiru : wherefore this combination justly de- 
serves attention as a striking peculiarity. The only other sentence of 
this kind that occurred to me was: mani bar%id'a, the house is of 
straw; here there is a different relation, namely, barzi is considered 
as a predicate, perhaps even as an adjective, and d*a stands as copula 
in its proper place. 

168. 

As the distinction between the two consonants d and rf', parti- 
cularly when spoken quickly, is not very easy, and nevertheless so 
important, it will not be superfluous to caution the reader against con- 
founding the copula with the transition -syllable da, which is partly 
used for avoiding the harshness, and partly for distinguishing the cases. 

169. 

The second preterit to which dyira serves as an auxiliary, is 
inflected through all the persons in the same manner as dyira itself. 
In the future the latter is not properly an auxiliary, but the governing 
verb of the sentence: ademitfdyira, I am to go. 

170. 

The above mentioned verbs dandd, rawad'a, 6eka , dad'aba , in 
Ihis respect resemble dyira. The peculiarity in the construction of 



— 61 — 

these verbs is one to which, by reason of its extension in the lan- 
guage and its many analogies, too much importance cannot be attached. 
I repeat it, those verbs to which they serve as auxiliaries, stand in 
a determinate tense and person , but never in the infinitive except in 
those eases where dandd follows the principal verb. 

171. 

The same construction occurs in tafa^ to hurry; dabala , to add 
to; debia, to come back; zobiij to lie, to tell a lie: baria , to begin, 
and in many other verbs. These verbs for the most part supply the 
place of adverbs derived from adjectives, since on account of the de- 
ficiency of the language in real adjectives, their cognate adverbs are 
entirely wanting. 

172. 

It is a remarkable feature in these verbs, that they always stand 
in the aorist even when the tense requires the present or the future, 
nay even when the other verb stands in the imperative, as: ati debite 
hiTufufiiiy do not thou come back! — 

§ 13. H'egatlon. 

173. 

The negation in Galla is expressed in three different ways: either 
by the simple negative hin^ not; the negative affix mitt, or by nega- 
tive verbs. In the first and third cases the negative exerts a percep- 
tible influence on the form of the verb to be negatived, and this al- 
teration of forms is frequently the only guard against confounding it 
with similar forms, and other mistakes to which it may give rise. 

I. The negative hin. 

174. 

This is the simple negative, „not", and always precedes the verb 
which is to be negatived, most commonly in such a manner that either 
an assimilation takes place with the beginning consonant of the follow- 
ing verb, or a contraction with the concluding vowel of the preceding 
word. In the latter case the aspiration and vowel of hin are lost and 
n only remains, which, to distinguish it from the a])breviated post- 
position ni, or the w of the nominative, 1 have always marked with 
the sign of the rough breathing (n). In both cases the ending a of 
the verb in the three persons sing, and 11' pers. plur. pros, is changed 

4^ 



— 62 — 

into u; but in the place of the 2"!' and 3'.^ pers. plur. which already 
end in w, are substituted the 2"/ and 3'.^ persons plur. of the aorist 
unchanged; thus: izin hindlftani ^ you do not let; izan hind'izanij 
they do not let. The imperative receives, as it were, a repetition of 
the negation by affixing the ending in, as: hmdubad'in, do not speak; 
plur. hindubad'rnna, do not ye speak. Before /* and b, the n of the 
negation is changed, for the sake of euphony into 77«, as: kanamfed^Uy 
I don't like that; nu himbcchnu we do not know. If a word precedes 
which is of itself a negative, it does not supply the place of hin, 
but the same construction remains and the form of the verb is subject 
to the same alterations; as: deca kana namun nad'uj nobody eats 
this sacrificial flesh; homtu azin dyiranne^ nothing was there. — If 
the aorist is to be rendered negative, ne or ine is appended to the 
root, as: ani tchabza, I break; ani hintchabza., I do not break; aorist: 
ani hintchabzine, I have not broken ; ani hind'agene, I have not heard, 
and this form remains unaltered in all the persons, 

II. The negative miti. 

175. 

When other parts of speech, such as substantives, pronouns, ad- 
jectives or adverbs are to be negatived, it is done by the negative 
affix miti^ as: ani ilmakemiti, am I not thy son? — ini garimiti, he 
is not handsome; amamiti, not at present. 

III. Negative verbs. 

176. 

a. dida. Dida answers to the Latin ,,negare", and, construed with 
the infinitive of the verb that is to be denied, it always implies the 
idea of resistance, or the intention of not doing what the accompanying 
verb expresses, as: ini oad^z'udide, he did not answer, in the sense, 
he would not answer, he resisted the answer; ho ati dididad'zudidr, 
if thou art not diligent (wilt be). This dida as a verb affixed to the 
infinitive is, as the sentence requires, conjugated regularly through 
all (he persons, modes and tenses. The same must be said of the 
two following verbs bad'a and d'aba. 

b. bad'a. As dida denotes the intention not to do what the verb 
signifies which is to be negatived, so bad'a (prop, the II. form of 6a, 
to go out of, away from), denies by means of its original signification 
of undesigned neglect, int\dvertence, carelessness or missing opportunity; 



— sa- 
fer ex. ho rako kana calu bad'te, hidjolenz-a kan izamiti (see num. 
i.7o.'),kan abaziti, if he does not bring this offering [neglects to bring), 
the children he begets do not belong to him but to her father, (the 
father of the woman) ; — oto izari i%uti birmaiTzu bad'tani ani indua^ 
if they had neglected (lit. went away) to come to his aid he died, 
that is, if they had not succoured him, he would have perished. It 
may be seen here likewise, in what manner the Gallas supply the 
want of a proper subjunctive form by the position of the verb. 

c. d'aba. The original signification of this verb is: not to find, 
to miss on account of obstacles which are not to be avoided. When 
used as a negative verb, it always implies a primitive idea of a want 
of power occasioned by external circumstances, to do what the accom- 
panying verb denotes, as: irge d acu d'aba, azi tae boe, lit. whereto 
go further I found not (the way, fhe power etc.) , I sat down and 
wept; that is: as I could not go any further I sat down and wept. 
This also explains why d'aba^ and especially dad'aba^ when standing 
nlone, have the signification: to lose, or to be tired. It must further 
be observed, that d*aba has always a short «, and is only distinguished 
by that from d'aba, (having a long «) to place, to set. 

To enable the reader to comprehend more clearly the peculiarities 
of these three verbs, I will illustrate them all by a single example: 

ini oad'zudide, he did not answer, because he would not, — 
intended silence; 

ini oad'z'ubad'te y he did not answer, because he had paid no 
attention to the question ; 

ini oad'zu d'abe, he did not answer, because he had not the 
power. 

d. Ola. This verb, though not usually a negative, may very pro- 
perly be mentioned here, as from its signification, to pass by, it some- 
times has the negative sense ; not to keep, to neglect, as : 7nalif izht 
caba kezani oltaniy why did you pass by your duty, that is, why did you 
not keep your word? — ini na dyalan olu, he does not pass by me, 
that is, he does not forget, neglect me. 



— 64 



u 



CHAPTER II. 

Of nouns* 

% 1. Formation^ geiideris and uuiitbers. 

177. 

The Galla language has no article. The nouns are either primi- 
tive or derivative : The formation of those derived from verbs is , for 
the most part, very simple, since generally, the 1!* pers. pres. may be 
used and declined as a substantive noun, as : dyalala, I love, and subst. 
love; aivala, 1 bury, as subst. tomb; tchaba, I break asunder, subst. 
splinter, piece. 

178. 
Others change the a of the present into o, as: yada, I think, 
yado (also yada)^ thought. Others again change a into u and insert 
a ty as tuma, I beat, push, subst. tumtu, the workman, especially a 
/KfiK Ji smith, etc. — This derivation follows certain rules, agreeing in general 
with those concerning the changing of the consonants in the flexion 
of the verb. 

179. 

With regard to gender, the nouns are either masculine or feminine. 
This distinction appears in verbs in the special form of the 3'f pers. 
sing, for the fem., as well as in the double form of several adjectives, 
as: V^iua, little, fem. Vino- hie%a, poor, fern, hietiy etc. 

180. 

It is a remarkable peculiarity that all words which admit of a 
collective notion, are considered as feminine, even though, according 
to their signification, they are of the masculine gender, as: dargayo, 
youth (young manhood); manyvdo, judge; hatUy thief; hidjolc, child. 
If however, by joining the number toko (one), or by making use of 
the form which denotes individuals, the collective notion is lost, then 
the noun is considered according to its real gender, as: munyudo 
toko, d/ijyfiyfza, nayadilnha, a judge, a youth, a merchant, are naturally 
masculine: nayadilt, a tradeswoman; tumUti , a craftswoman; caliti, a 
priestess, are certainly feminine. 



- 55 — 

181. 

For the reason that almost all nouns may be regarded as collec- 
tives, the plural number of them is very seldom used, but its place is 
supplied by the collective form, or by numeral adjectives joined to them; 
but the plural even when it is used, is nearly always considered as 
feminine, and takes the verb in the fem. sing;. ^ as: faratoni d'ed'ti^ 
the horses eat. A feature analogous to this is found in the Arabic. 

182. 
The usual ending of the plural is oda which is appended to the 
root. But there are many words that form their own plural, without 
rejecting, however, the regular one, as: ree^ , the she goat, plur. 
rooda and rooni; oboleza^ brother, obola and oboloni; ilma, son, Hraan^ 
(a corrupted from is iman), etc. 

§ !3. nec^leusion. 

183. 

Before I proceed to treat of declension, it is necessary to mention 
another peculiarity of this language, and one to which I have not 
yet found any analogy, unless perhaps it be in the Semitic verb. For, 
as in that, the 3'_^ pers. sing, pret., being the simplest form of the verb, 
is placed first in the conjugation; so in the Galla, not the nominative, 
but the accusative is placed first in declension, since the latter is the 
most simple form, though not always the pure root. My authorities at 
every question concerning a substantive, always answered with the 
accusative. 

184. 

The formation of the Nominative varies very much, and can only 
be learned well by practice. However some general rules may be 
given to which there are no exceptions. 

1. All accusatives in e, 2, o, and u^ affix in the nominative only 
Ji, as: miWure, mufufen, cudgel; batiy batin, the moon; ramo, ra/non, 
worm ; adu, aditUy the sun. 

2. The words in a follow partly the same rule, as: (/ofta, goftan^ 
the master; mutsha, mutshan, child; and partly change a into ?, as: 
had'a, had'i, mother; riara, nari; eyebrow; — or sometimes the root 
itself is changed, as in the words ending in iza and awa (ja\ which, 
without exception, end in fni in the nominative, as: kaniza ^ kanifni^ 
a bee; barziza, barzifni, teacher; (/awaj go fni, hole. In substantives 



— 66 — 

endino^ in d^a^ the d before the endino^ is dropped, as: zamar/'da. 
zamaj'rni, wheat. Sometimes other letters are inserted after the root, 
as: la fa J loft?, earth; nwka^ mukni , a tree; boka, bokeni , rain. — 
These alterations always depend on the different consonants which 
stand before the ending a, and commonly follow the rules concerning 
the change of consonants in the verb. 

185. 

The Nominative and Accusative, properly speaking, are the only 
real cases, the others being marked by position, or by adding certain 
particles (postpositions.} 

186. 

The Genitive is generally expressed by placing the word in its 
accusative form after the nominative which governs it, as: abanmana. 
the master of the house. Very often the relation denoted by our ge- 
nitive is expressed by the dative, as: obolezi abakoti , the brother of 
my father. 

187. 

The Dative is formed by appending the postposition ti, which is 
commonly a particle of place, (see Dictionary.) 

188. 
The Vocative is formed by placing the interjection ya before the 
accusative, which is sometimes accompanied by an extension or abbre- 
viation of the root; for ex. ya namanal man! — ya obi instead of 
ya obolezakOy my brother! — • ya Gallanl ye Gallas! 

189. 

The Ablative is expressed by the postpositions ira, of; kexa^ out 
of, from ; niy or riy through, by, with, etc. 

190. 

The declension of masculine or feminine nouns is the same, and 
the cases of the plural are formed in a similar manner to those in 
the singular. 

191. 

If a possessive pronoun is combined with the substantive, the 
sign of the case is appended to the former because all such pronouns 
are affixed. liikewise when a word is combined with the genitive 
(see num. 186.), the sign of its case is affixed to the latter, as: niti 
Butati djed\', he said to the wife of Buta. Sometimes two signs of 



— 67 — 

f-ases are appended to one word, as: ini had'a%atin djed*ey he said 
to his mother, Qiad'a, mother — %a^ possessive pronoun — ti^ and n, 
the signs of the dative). 

§ 3. Adjectives. 

192. 

The adjectives in Galla are nearly all derived from verbs. The 
few, which appear to be radical words, as: koba j alone; orma ^ fo- 
reign; korma, manly, etc. are probably substantives-, especially, the 
adjectives which denote colours are certainly verbals, for guradja sig- 
nifies: to be black, and guradja^ black; dima, to be red, and dima, 
red, etc. Other adjectives, as hieza, poor; dureza, rich, also betray 
their derivation from verbs, since the middle forms hioma^ to be poor^ 
and duroma to be rich, exist; — otherwise we must conclude, with 
regard to these cases, that the language has the faculty of forming 
verbs arbitrarily from real adjectives, without the help of auxiliary 
verbs. 

193. 

The adjective accompanying the verb, or the adverb of the Greek 
and Latin languages, is usually expressed in the Galla by a verb 
which conveys an adverbial idea, as : ini dafe Mnd'ufne^ he came not 
quickly, lit. he hurried came not; in which the singularity must be 
noticed, that the negation is not joined to the verb which is intended 
to be negatived; but this is a general rule, for it is also said: ani 
dandaen d'lifu, 1 could not come, lit. I could came not. 

194. 

Besides this manner of expressing the adverb, adjectives also are 
used unchanged in form, as: ini gari cote^ he has ploughed well. 

195. 

The copula usually required in adjectires is rf'«, which is appended 
but not inflected. (8ee num. 166.) 

196. 

The adjective is always placed after the substantive, and agrees 
with it in gender and number, for both of which there is generally a 
special form. 



■'_ ±' — . 58 — 

/r U- ::^ 

197. 

The formation of the feminine here also conforms to the rules for 
the change of consonants, already frequently mentioned. It ends either 
in tUj as: hamtUj fem. of hama, bad; or in ti^ as: hieti^ fern, of hieza, 
poor; ffUJ'atiy fem. of guradja, black; or it merely changes the ending 
of the masculine into o, as: Vino^ fem. of tHna, little; giidOj fem. of 
guda, great; finally many adjectives have but one form for both genders, 
as: hadari, prudent; gari, beautiful. 

198. 

The plural is formed, either like that of substantives, in orf«, or 
by particular alterations of the root, as: hieza, plur. hif^ji; or, which 
is the most frequent, the adjective receives a reduplication, as: im 
garid'ttj he is handsome, plur. i%an gagarida^ they are handsome. 

199. 

In the construction of an adjective with a substantive, the former 
always receives the sign of the case, and the substantive remains in 
the simple accusative form. The same must be said of pronominal 
adjectives, for ex. nama ormati dafi himulad'in^ do not show yourself 
immediately to a stranger; — gurbazatin djcd'cy he said to his boy. 

200. 
As the Gallas have no special form for the comparison of adjec- 
tives, it is expressed by adding the postpositions ira, over; dgala, 
under; dura, before; boda, after, etc., as: ini narra di/ira, he is older 
than I, lit. he is over me, above me (viz. in age) ; rz hi oboletiz irra 
garid'a, she is handsomer than her sister, lit. she is handsome above 
her sister. 

% 4* JViiiiieral atljectives*. 

I. Cardinals. 

201. 

The Gallas count like us according to the decadal system. The 
units are as follows. 

1. toko {tak) 6. dya 

2. lama 7. torb^. 

3. zadi 8. %adet\ 

4. afiir\ 9. zagaVl 
6. %an\ 10. kudan\ 



— 59 — 

202. 
To express the numbers between 10 and 20, they join the units 
to kudariy rejecting, however, the final n of the latter, in the following 
manner: 

11. kudatoko (j-tak^ 16. kitdadya 

12. kudalama 17. kudatorbl 

13. kudazadi 18. kudazadedt 

14. kudafurl 19. kudazagall 

15. kudazanl 

203. 

Diyetaml (^digtam'S) signifies twenty, and dHba hundred, which 
are the only numerals that have not their roots in the corresponding 
units, but are probably derived from some verbal roots not yet dis- 
covered: for instance, d'iba^ 100, seems to me to be the verb d'iba^ it 
aches, it is an impediment, obstacle, it fails, is deficient, or perhaps 
a substantive derived from the same verb, equivalent to d'tbe^ obstacle, 
need, want. This word may possibly explain why the three Gallas 
whom I have questioned upon this subject, never would (nor perhaps 
could) count any further in continued order than one hundred, as if 
that were their limit. Nevertheless Aman confirmed the number kuma, 
1000, quoted by Mr. Kielmaier (Ausland, 1840. Nro. 76)-, and he 
remembered also a greater number, kuntuma, formed doubtless from 
kuma. The correctness of these two words becomes still more prob- 
able from their reserablence to the corresponding number of the Dana- 
kili and flurrur languages, ,^kum^', and that of the Somauliy ^^kou^'^ 
(Salt: kun). But kuntuma is more probably only a diminutive form 
of kuma. — If however the Gallas really want the word in question 
and what lies between, they have (as the Germans their „Dutzend'' 
twelve, „Mandel", fifteen), a compensative for it in the numeral sub- 
stantive kurna, which involves the notion of the number ^,ten'^, and 
seems to be derived from kudan, which in its turn may have its root 
in the verb kuta, I cut, make a section. 

By means of kurna it is not difficult to count to 1000. 

Kurna is also frequently used by the Gallas to denote a space of 
ten days although they have also the division of time into weeks : 
torban, subst. (from torba, seven) week ; four torbans or three kurna a 
make one month. 



— 60 — 

204. 

Zodoma is 30, formed from %adi^ three. All numbers from 40 to 
90, are formed by joining the syllable tam\ to the anits: 
40. afnrtam\ 80. %adtttam\ 

60. % anlaml 90. %agaltam\ 

60. df/ataml 100. d'iba 

70. torbatami 1000. kuma 

100000. (?) kuntuma. 

205. 

None of the numerals have a special form for the feminine*, in 
regard to their construction, however, they are used like nouns, and 
follow the same rules, i. e. they take the signs of cases; for instance: 
torban toko atcliiti taan?, they passed one week there; — nama tokoti 
d'ufe^ he came to a man ; — ani libi tokon i%a arge, with one glance 
of the eye I saw him. 

206. 

The decades, which all terminate in ama («?/*!), form their nomi- 
natives in m, like the nouns ending in ba; for example: dargagon 
dyatamni iza wadjin d'acte, sixty young men walked with him. 

II. Ordinals. 

207. 

The ordinal numbers are formed in a singular manner. „The first" 
is expressed by the verb dura with the personal pronoun of the 3'^ 
person ini; literally, he before, he in the fore-part. To express the 
value or merit of persons or things in comparison with others, they 
have also the word hangafa, (nom. hangafniy fem. hangafti') the first, 
the best, superior, which is still more used to denote the rank and 
order of birth; it signifies then first-born, primogenial, opposite to 
gudirn^ the youngest child, from gudrza, (III. f. of guda) I make great, 
2"'' signif. I educate; — while ini boda, (lit. he after) corresponds to 
ini dura. 

208. 

The ordinals from 2"'' onward are formed thus: viz. to express a 
certain degree, the verb ana, I hang on any fhing, I am joined with, 
is affixed to the next preceding cardinal, which is then constructed 
with the postposition ti> Tokoliana is therefore „the second", literally; 



— 61 — 

that which hangs on the „one"; — lamatianay „the third", lit. that 

which is joined with the „two", and so on through all the numbers: 

IV. zaditiana VIII. torbatiana 

V. afuritiana IX. %adettiana 

VI. z'anitiana X. zagalitiana 

VII. dyatiana XI. kudanitiana 

or kurnatiana^ etc. etc. 

III. Social numbers. 

209. 

The Galla has another form of numbers to express the union or 
alliance of persons or things, a kind of social numbers, so to speak, 
resembling the German „zu Zweite, zu Dritte, zu V^ierte"; — and 
just as these German expressions are taken from the ordinals, these 
numbers in Galla are again formed with the above mentioned verb 
ana, to be joined; — latshanu from lama^ two together; %adanu, 
three, arfanu, four together, from %adi and afur. — All the following 
numbers are formed by joining the syllable anu (resp. tanu or nu) to 
the cardinals: 



6. zananu (z'antanu) 

6. dyami 

7. torbanu 

8. zadetanu 

9. zaifaltanu 

10. kurnanu 

11. kurnatokanu 

20. digetamtanu 

21. digetamitakanu 



30. zodomanu (zodomnu) 
40. afiirtamnu 
50. zantamnu 
60. dyatamnu 
70. torhatamnu 
80. zadettamnu 
90. zayaUamnu 
100. d'ibatanu 
1000. {kumatanu.^ 



210. 



„Both" the meaning of which is different from that of these num. 
bers is ladz'u, likewise made of lama, two. 



IV. Distributive numbers. 

211. 

The distributive numbers are expressed by double cardinals: zadi 
zadiy %an zan, three and three, Ave and five etc. 



— 62 — 

V. Fractional numbers. 

212. 

The Gallas have no forms made of numerals themselves to express 
<he fractional numbers; they derive, however, an equivalent from the 
division of their amole, i. e. a piece of salt, two hands long, one hand 
large, and two fingers thick, which is used as money. The parts of 
it are as follows : 

tchabnanay (derived from tchaba, to hreak) |, 

k armaria J \ , 

gimaz i^ \ , 

gedcle or gadele, QAgh) ^ . 

VI. Numeral adverbs. 

214. 

To form the adverbs „once, twice, thrice" etc., the Gallas join the 
cardinals to the substantive f/afa y period of time, day; quite corres- 
ponding to the German „Mal" : 

ffafatoko, gafalama, gafa%adi etc. 

214. 

Other adverbial expressions which must be noticed here, are : 

1. irgataka, at once, at the same time, formed from irge, place, 
and toko J {taka^ takt), one, literally: in the same place; for example: 
nn irgataka ademna, we march with equal steps. 

2. la fa dyala, at first, lit. „under the earth", a fine metaphorical 
expression, doubtless taken from seed lying in the ground („under 
the earth"), as the very origin and first stage of life and increase. 

VIT. Numeral verbs. 

215. 

There are yet a few verbs which I must notice in concluding 
the subject of numbers ; some of these merely imply the idea of num- 
bers, while a whole class of others are formed ftom the numerals 
themselves. 

1. Diriba and datchaa, contr. datchd, I am double, twofold. The 
etymology of diriba is unknown to me, but datchd signifies, (if I am 
not mistaken), primarily: I do one thing twice, therefore particularly: 
1 go back the same way on which 1 came, as if the ways hither 



— 63 — 

and back were laid, in returnin/2f, one upon the other ; — thence III. f. 
datchaztty to double, to fold up, to plait etc., ini datchazeti uffad'tfij 
he is doubly clothed. 

3. The other verbs are these: 

lamefad'a^ %adifada^ afurifad'a, %amfad"a and so forth, an exact 
literal translation of which is difficult to be given. I must therefore, 
try to explain them by a passage from Akafede's letters to Aman, 
wherein the former, after the departure of Aga C^ee Dictionary, Preftice 
pag. Xlll.), expresses his joy at having found a new contryman: 

,, Wacayo goftanko nan irafanne ya obolezako, tokon nan hambifne 
am ama lame f ad' v fan adema'^ ; God my Lord has not forgotten me, 
ray brother, he has not confined me to a single one (scl. Galla) , I 
am now to see a second. More literally: I {ant) go {adema^ now 
(^ama^ to (the f preceding the repeated aniy abbrev. an in lamr- 
fad'ufan~) double for myself (scl. the presence of a countryman). 



§ 5. Of Pronouns. 

Preliminary observations. 

216. 

The pronouns in the Galla language, like those of the Arabic to 
which some of them seem to me to be related , are either separable 
(absolute), or inseparable (affixed). The separable are: the personal, 
reflective, demonstrative, interrogative and indefinite pronouns; — the 
inseparable, only the possessive. 

217. 

The personal pronouns are necessary to the inflection of the verb, 
even in the imperative mood, and they are nowhere involved in the 
verbal form itself, as is the case in the Tumale language, with the 
single exception mentioned in num. 124. where the repeated ani is 
combined with the 11* pers. sing, of the future. The inseparable pro- 
nouns appear as real pronominal adjectives or possessives, invariably 
appended to the nouns which they possess. 

I. Personal pronouns. 

218. 
The same rule which I have mentioned above respecting the nouns 
applies also to pronouns, viz. that the primitive form is to be sought 



— 64 — 

not in the nominative but in the accusative case, at least in the sin- 
gular 5 for the plural has no special form for the nominative. 
I. person. II. person. 

Ace. Qand) na^ me ziy thee 



^ I Nora, am, I at?, thou 

Plur. ! T^T ' (wnw) nUj we, us izitiy you 

III. pers. 
Masc, Fem. 

g. I Ace. iza, hira izi, her 

I Nom. ini, he izin, she 

Plur. Ace. and Nom. izan, them, they. 

219. 

There is an emphatical form of the nominative, formed by affixing 
the syllable Vt to the accusative, as: 

anat^ I myself, spoken with great emphasis, or to mark a con- 
trast. In the same way are formed: 

ziCl^ izaVt^ iz'ifl, 

nuCt, HinCt, izanCt, 

but respecting these forms, mention must be made of a grammatical 
singularity, that each of them is joined with the 31^ person singular 
of the verb, as if they required an impersonal construction; for ex. 
ziCt bekOy thou knowst; nuVt cafe, we have been guilty; beka and cafe 
being the 31'' persons sing., although zitt would seem to require the 
2°*!. pers. sing., and mit^ the first pers. plur. — Perhaps the affix t1 is 
the postposition ti not rightly understood or strangely changed, so 
that all these forms would appear as if put in the dative case, and in 
the examples given above, the verbs beka and cafe used imperso- 
nally, as: 

zit". (^zitt) beka, it is known to thee. 
nittl (jiuti) cafe, it was our guilt. 

220. 
The other cases are formed, like those of nouns, by means of 
postpositions affixed to the accusative, viz: 

The Dative with ti , to; with f ifiC), for, to the advantage of, 
and sometimes with n (ni^ : 

Sing. 
nati ztti iti and izati iziti 

naf Zif izaf izif 



— 65 — 

Plur. 
nuH iziniti izaniti 

nnf izinif izanif 

to and for myself, thyself, himself, etc. 

The Ablative is formed by the postp. ira^ from, the i of which is 
always assimilated with the concluding vowel of the proceding word, as: 

Sing. 
nara zira izara i%rra 

from myself, thyself, himself, herself. 

Plur. 
izinira izanira 

yourselves, themselves. 



nura 
from ourselves, 



221 



Anij I, is usually repeated before the verb, although it stands 
already in the beginning of the sentence, which ought to be well 
observed, because, as it is commonly but an affix, losing one or even 
both of its vowels, a mistake is easily committed by confounding it 
with the abbreviated negative hin (ti), or the postp. m fn); for ex. 
ani malan god'a'l Avhat shall I do? 
ani kobakotin taa^ I am alone, 
the an in malan, as well as the n in kobakotin, being the abbreviated 
personal pronoun ani. For further explanation, see Dictionary pag. 
175 — 176. 

222. 

Ui the dative of ini is used also as an adverb of place — thither, 
to it; which is natural, because the language wants a peculiar form 
for the neuter pronoun, it; as: 

iti ergi gafadzizi, send thither and have inquiry made. 

223. 

Ini tokl — ini tokl, iz'in tokl — iz'in tokl, the one — the 
other, is sometimes used instead of ini kan — ini kan etc. see nura. 244. 



224. 

Aga used ize (izeti, izefi etc.J, and ze, instead of izi, z'i etc.; 
which is one of the few dialectical varieties of his idiom. 



— 66 — 

II. Affixed possessive pronouns. 

225. 

The possessive pronouns are partly derived from the personals, 
viz. those of the 3'f pers. sing:, and plur. ; but the greater number 
have a peculiar root, as: 

Sing. 
kOy my; ke, thy; %a^ his; 2.V, her. 

Plur. 
keruij our; ke%ani, your; zani^ their. 

226. / ; 

These pronouns have no particular forms for the numbers and 
genders, and are affixed to the nouns, to which they appertain, with- 
out alteration, as: abanko^ my father; had'iko^ my mother; wa%a. his 
fortune, lit. his something. — hidjolenza manati d'acte, his children 
went home, the collective notion hidjole being construed with the fem- 
inine singular form of the verb, see num. 180. And as they are con- 
sidered as making one word with the noun which tbey possess, the 
marks of cases, that is the postpositions, are joined not to the noun 
but to the affixed possessive; for ex. idyakoti ayar%i%e ^ he showed 
(it) to my eye. 

227. 

The possessives in a few cases seem to be used separately, or 
regarded as nouns and construed with particles and adjectives. These 
cases are as follows: 

1. With the preposition gara^ to; as: garakOj to me; garake, 
to thee; (/araza, to him; garazi^ to her; garakcna. to us; garakez-am, 
to you; garcrzmi?^ to them. — This construction will apear less striking, 
however, if the nature of the preposition gara is considered, which is 
properly a substantive signifying „part"; garako is therefore literally, 
my j)art, which is also a very common expression in our language; 
and the circumstance, that instead of garako , garakc etc., garakoti, 
garakctf very often occur, makes this view more probable, — gffi'ay 
used then as a preposition, makes the affix ti redundant, and expresses 
(he postpositional notion in itself. 

2. ^Vilh the comjiarative particle aka , how, like; okako ^ like 
myself; akakc, or akakuti (see the foregoing number), like thyself? 
akaza (-fO> ^^^^^ himself; akaz'i (-^0> ^^^^^ herself; akakcna (-^0> ^^^^ 



— 67 — 

ourselves 5 akakezaiii^ f-^?) like yourselves: akazani (^-tQ like them- 
selves. The ti here used must not be confounded with the ti in the 
preceding paragraph, but should probably be considered a particle na- 
turally belonging," to aka ; — aka -tt^ like to. 

3. Sometimes with the postposition dura^ before; as: hama i%an 
kana djecfaniti^ darffayon dya dwazani yaaniy after they had spoken 
in this manner, six young men rushed before (towards) them. 

4. With the postposition kan^ from, (derived from the demon- 
strative karWy this); but in this case the postp. ti is never wanting. 
Ex. mi (scl. manyudoii) im ha kimu ^ lafti kirni kanketi mo kankoti, 
he (the judge) may tell us whether this field is mine or thine, lit. 
of my- or thyself. 

5. With the adjectives koba, alone; qituma (Jwntuma^ hvntitmtu), 



alone. 



all, 


as: 




Sing, kobako, I 




koOake, thou 




kobazay he 




kobaz'i, she 




kobakenay we 




kobakezanij you 




kobazaniy they 




alone. 



\ 



Plur. 

qit'uma- (nom. mni^ keiia 
(jifumakezani 
(/it-umazani 
all. 

228. 

Using the possessive pronoun substantively in this manner explains 
the reason why it is very often followed by the postp. tiy even in the 
nominative case, as: 

abankoU duera^ my father died ; 
oboletinkoti hfrumttrtiy my sister married; 
milcliunkoti godane, my friend departed. 
The construction then quite corresponds to the English expression 
„a friend of mine'^ The same happens in the accusative and genitive 
cases; for ex. ati liar^a mitchuktU aryiLrta'^ didst thou see thy 
friend to-day? — mid' an obolezaktti hatitn hattCy a thief stole thy 
brother's corn. 

229. 
%a corresponds sometimes to the Italian „ne" or the French „en", 
of it; for ex. ani yaryariza focy I chose the fairest of them. 

6* 



— 68 — 

230. 

ko and kc^ in composition with other words, are sorntimes found 
contracted in the following manner: 

abo instead of abako, my father, 

had'o^ ,, kad'ako, my mother, 

(ibe, ,, abake, thy father, 

liad'e^ „ had'ake, thy mother, 

indallo „ indallako^ my girl, love 5 

but this is merely a diminutive form to express affection. 

Reflective or reciprocal pronoun. 

231. 

The reflective pronoun in Galla is ufi Cahhrev. nf), which is 
applicahle to all persons and sexes. An example of each of the diffe- 
rent applieitions will he g-iven. 

11* person. 
Ani aman aman nf duha milad'e, I looked often behind myself. — 
Kanan ani ufifan hambifad'a^ I reserve that for myself. The an af- 
fixed to aman, kanan, and vfifan, is the abbreviated personal pronoun 
aniy repeated before the verb. 

2".*^ person. 
Kan fed'te ufi yonan garanke zarmiidide? Although thou hast 
done whatever thou hast liked for thyself, is thy heart not satisfied? — 
gonan is the preterit participle active, involving the conjunction „al- 
though". 

31^ person masc. 
Uori ffuda vfdubati farlarati fecti adema, lit. many goods behind 
himself upon the horse packing he departs. — Namitshi toko ufiti na 
fxid'e, na yndifad'cy a man took me to himself and educated me. 

31^ person femin. 
Izin gurbazi uf bira tcziftc, she set her child close to herself. 

11* person plur. 
Nu gnda uf dyalana, we love each other very much. Walt might 
also stand here instead of nfi. 

2"^ person. 
Ho izin d'ira nfdjcd'Umf, if you call yourselves men. 



— 69 — 

31^ person. 
Izan dina uf bira ariu fenan d'abani, although they wished to 
drive away the enemy from themselves, they could not. (Respecting 
d'ubani see num. 176. c.) 

232. 

From all these examples it appears, that w/i, since it is construed 
with ti^ duba, dyala, bira, in short with all the postpositions which 
are employed in the declension of nouns, stands in the place of a 
noun, or is perhaps, primarily, a noun itself, like the English „self", 
which is perhaps derived from „soul", and employed quite in the same 
manner as the Arabic ^^mij^ instead of the reciprocal pronoun, whicli 
is wanting. 

233. 

A corresponding construction is found in Galla, for 
matakodif, matakedif, matazadif, mata%idif^ mataketiadif etc. lit. 
for my, thy, his, her, our etc. head, occur very often where the 
reciprocal ufi might be expected, hut usually it has the sense „for 
my, thy, his etc. sake". 

234. 

Besides the reciprocal notion, ufi has frequently the sense of the 
Latin „ipse", as: %iVt ufi (jod'te^ thou thyself hast done it, tu ipse 
fecisti ; — kan izan it? malani t^ufad'eti ufi male , dina ariuti kae^ 
despising whatever they advised him, he counselled himself, and fol- 
lowed the enemy; — oto abanke %iti himu bad'e^ ufini fid'te'^ If thy 
father had not told it thee, wouldst thou have finished it thyself? (With 
regard to himu bad'e, see num. 176. h.) 

235. 

Sometimes ufi is employed instead of the possessive pronoun, as: 

ati layo zeta kan hamana uf harka cabtal thou art lucky that 
thou hast so much in thy .hand, that is, that thou hast so great power, 
or art so rich. 

Often even a possessive, particularly that of the 31^ pers. is joined 
to ufi^ as : 

ufizadif zahabi olc^ horiza qiVuma bad'e, he himself escaped the 
danger, (but) he lost all his fortune. And this construction is a new 
proof that ufi is regarded as a substantive, because otherwise the 
possessive could not be joined with it. 



1 



— 70 — 

236. 

Besides the postpositional expressions: uf dgala ^ lit. under him- 
self, i. e. hid hehind him; — ufbira, next him- (her-) self ; — vf diiba^ 
after himself, etc. there are yet a few expressions formed in a similar 
manner with substantives, but used in the same way as postposi- 
tions, as : 

iiftcliinati, on his (her) side, tchinati being the substantive tchina 
or tchinadja, side, flank, with the postpos. ti; 

ufbukedariy on his (her) side, from buke^ nom. bukniy side. 

237. 

There are also two verbs formed with the reciprocal, viz. 
ufl'ad'a, I dress myself; and by changing the f into the related wi 
mviza, I dress another. 
On this matter, see num. 99. 

238. 

The reciprocal „own" is expressed in Galla by the possessive 
placed after the governed noun, so that it stands in the relation of the 
genitive case, as: 

mana izadif inana orma gube, kac^ bae y lit. his own house and 
the houses of others he set on fire, rose, escaped •, — mana i%a Qdif), 
lit. the house of him, i. e. his own house. Respecting the form izadif, 
see num. 220. 

239. 

Finally, mention must be made of the word wali (abbr. ivaf)^ which 
contains the notion of a reciprocal or mutual relation between two per- 
sons or things, and answers to the Latin invicem, alter alterum, each 
other. It is construed with all the postpositions which are used in 
declension, and applied to both numbers and sexes; as: 

1. joined with the plural. 
waiin djed'ani, they said to each other; the n affixed to wali, being 
the post[)os. ni ,,to", marking the dadve case; — izan wal fud'ani, 
they married ; lit. they took each other. 

2. with the singular. 

ini kun wali tola sodalan, ini kan cbodan wal fatchiza, the one 

combats with the sabre, the other fights with the spear, lit. this one- 

against the other {wali^ struggles with the sabre, that one with the 

spear against the other (*<;«/) fights; — wali yae, they came together. 



— 71 — 

lit each approached the other; — oboletinko latshu waliti arerte, 
my two sisters are ano;ry with each other; — in this sentence latshu 
(both), alone conveys a plural idea while the noun oboleti and the 
verb are put in the singular. 

240. 



The compounded 


words 










waliti i 
walin i 


one 


to 


the 


other, 


walira 


V 


from 


55 


55 




walguba 


5? 


upon 


55 


55 




waldyala 


JJ 


under 


J>" 


' ''5 




waldura 


55 


before 


55 


55 




walduba 


'5 


after 


55 


55 




walbira 


57 


next, near „ 


55 




walif 


55 


for 


55 


55 




walwadjin 


55 


with 


55 


55 


(together), 


walkeza 


5? 


in 


. 55 


55 


(amidst). 



are explained by the rule given above. The last word walke%a „one 
in or into the other", which takes then the signification of „amidst, 
in the middle, confusedly" (pele-mele), has given origin, I think, 
to the substantive, walaka, the middle, compounded, probably, of wal, 
and the comparative particle aka, as, like, lit. it is as far to the one 
as to the other, consequently it must be the „middle". That is merely 
a conjecture of mine, but I found it so natural that I did not hesitate 
to mention it. 



IV. Demonstrative pronouns. 

241. 

For the demonstrative pronoun indicating things near at hand, the 
Galla has two forms: 

1. kana. nom. kuni \ ,, . 

> this, 

2. ana j ^ 

kana being separable, and ana an affix, but otherwise quite synony- 
mous with kanay for example: 

yomun ani biana d'vfc^ when I came into this country ; — har^a 
galgaltana; lit. to-day in this night, i. e. to-night. Kana stands always 
after the word to which it belongs, as: 



— 72 — 

ati faya cable irga bia kana d'ufte? lit. hast thou had health, 
since thou earnest into this country? — namitshi kuni gudanati garid'a^ 
this man is very o^ood to me. 

For the relative use of kana, see num. 249. 3. 

242. 

The demonstrative pronoun to indicate remote things is, 
zana, nora. zuni , that. 
Neither of these demonstratives has a particular form for the feminine 
nor the plural ; but both , like the personal pronouns , take the mark 
of the cases, f. ex. 

mutsha lafa tae zana adjezani, they killed the child , which sat 
on the g:round; — namazanatin mulad'in^ do not show thyself to 
that man ; indalli kuni zanara garid'a^ this girl is handsomer than that. 
And as the language has no form to express the neuter gender, these 
pronouns have also this function and we find therefore: 

kuni garimitiy this is not fine : kanam bekUy I do not know this. 

243. 

The form kuno is not, as might he readily believed , and as 1 
thought during three years myself, a third dejtionstrative pronoun, but 
simply kuni the nominative of kana^ compounded with the affix o, 
„truly, forsooth, yet, but"; the German: „ja, doch'^ — an aflix, which 
is now and then very necessary and significant; but frequently of 
almost no consequence and merely euphonical, for ex. 

biyon kuno fana nu yuba yuda , this sand burned us very much 
on the soles of the feet; where this affix o in kuno, as giving to the 
whole sentence the sense of earnest and cordial affirmation, appears 
in its proper place; while in the following example, taken from a 
letter of Aga to Akafed'e: 

durbakanamo Galkiden kuno bad'ii tchezizani, lit., this girl 
(-mo) the Gallade brought over (scl. the river) by carrying her, — 
and in (he greatest part of (he other cases, where this affix is to be 
found, the sense would not lose by dropping it altogether, particularly 
in the dialect of Aga, who is much more fond of it than the other 
two autiioritics, and ap])cnds it without discrimination to a great 
number of words, where it is evidendy re(lun(ant. 

These observations concerning kuno are equally applicable to 
zunOy which , as I have snid is the nominative of zana, compounded 
with (he same affix o. 



— 73 ~ 

244. 

The forms: 

Ini kant — ini kanl 
Ace. iza kanl — i%a kanl 
fern, iz'in kanl — vz'in kani 
Aec. izi kanl — i%i kanl 
plur. izan kanl — izan kanl 
are expressions corresponding to „the one — the other" 5 hut here 
kana J or, as it is always spoken, kanly remains unchanged, and the 
personal pronoun to which it is joined marks the case by its form: as 
ini kan wall tola sodallan , inikan ehodan wal fatcliiza. See 
num. -^39. 

245. 

Sometimes we find but one kana which relates to a preceding 
personal pronoun or a numeral. In this case there is no difficulty and 
it can be regarded either as signifying „the other" or merely as the 
demonstrative pronoun ; as : 

kan durati mutshaz iti lad'e mntsha kana lad'e, lit. with what she 
fed at first her own child she fed the other (child) ; here the final con- 
sonant of kan coalesces with the affix ni (jQ (0 mark the instrument. 

toko macanza Golbidida , tok Dimadaj inikan macanza Dagaya^ 
lit. „the name of one was Golbidi, of one Dima — the other's name 
was Dagaga. 

246. 

Besides the junction of the personal pronoun with the demonstra- 
tive to express : „the one — the other" the same alliance is frequently 
made merely to make the signification of the demonstrative emphati- 
cal , as : 

iza kana qiVuma ziCt yozizize ^ all this didst thou permit to be 
done. 

oto guduman bekin iza kana gari gari beka; although I do not 
know very much, this I know very well. 

247. 

' There are some compounds formed with the demonstrative and 
particles, which I shall mention here. 

1. Akana is formed by combining the demonstrative kana with 
the comparative particle aka^ how, like, as, lit. how, or like this, in 



- 74 — 

the sense of thus, in this manner. According: to the nature of the 
particle aka, akana is almost always followed by the postp. tiy as: 

akonati hubuUa^ let us live in this manner. 

Akana — akana is used quite in the same sense as our „so and 
so" or „this and that". 

2. Instead of akana ^ Aga and Aman say akaz, which is either 
the result of carelessness in speakinja;, or more probably another com- 
position with aka; viz. the adverb of place az-i , here, seems to be 
joined to it, which would be almost synonymous with akana; lit. how 
here. 

3. The same may be observed of kanaz, so frequently used by 
Aga, which I regard as likewise a compound of kana and azi , and 
which answers then to the French „ceci", this here; for ex. 

zagada bia kanaz bari, learn the relig:ion of this (here) country. 

4. kanan , before the first person of the verb, must be regarded 
as compounded of kana, and ani „this I" — but in this case kan' is 
usually a conjunction. 

6. Compounded with the postpos. f (pr. fu^. kana forms the word 
kanaf (^kanafu} ,, therefore", and Avhen it stands before the first pers- 
of the verb, the personal pronoun is affixed to it; as: 

alatin kuni mid'anko mura , kana fan iza adjeza , this bird ruins 
my corn, therefore I kill it. 

The same postpos. forms also: akana — akanaf for this or that 
reason. 

6. YokaUj a compound of the conjunction yo or /io , when, and 
the demonstrative kana^ (lit „when this" i. e. when or if the other) 
corresponds to the Latin conj. nisi, if not, unless, as: 

nuti hima eza ademta, yokan, ati dina zi adjefna^ tell us from 
whence thou comest, if not, thou art an enemy (and) we kill thee. 

7. Akanuman , for nothing, to no purpose, in vain, probably a 
compound of akana, so, and homan nothing; the final n of homan 
being lost in the postpos. ni, which marks the ablative of the in- 
strument. Ex. 

nu homan agarre akanuman hazofna male, we see nothing, but 
talk in vain. ^ 

8. Finally the adverb yomnzana, then, at that time, having re- 
ference to past as well as to fulure time. Ex. 

mail djcd'e yomuzana had'ike , ho ati djed'te , etc. what will 
thy mother say if thou tellest her, etc. 



— 75 — 

wuyi hiriakfiia wadjin teiiu, o yomuzana hnllon nvti garomera, 
when we lived with our friends, at that time life was pleasant to 
us. (Aga.) 

For the rest, yomuzana is a compound of the conjunction yomu 
and the demonstrative fsana; yomu itself is probably borrowed from 
the Arabic ( ^.j day}, the more because it seldom or never occurs in 
the dictations of Aga and Aman, who both use in this sense the pure 
Galla expressions yuyazana and gafu%ana. 

Iryekanati — irgezaniti , here and there, 2. hither and thither, 
are used adverbially, signifying literally in or to this and that place. 

V. The Relative. 

248. 

There is no particular relative pronoun in Galla, unless fr«n, 
which is indeed often used in that sense and relates to persons Jis 
well as things, be regarded as a separate word, and as the special 
relative of this language. If this opinion is correct, the full form of 
kan ought to be kani, the final vowel of which is omitted in speaking 
rapidly, analogons to those words which terminate seemingly with 
consonants. But although 1 have not yet arrived at a definite opinion, 
my inquiries concerning (his subject and the comparison of a number 
of examples, induce me to suppose, that kan is the abbreviated 
demonstrative pronoun kana, this, put as an invariable particle at the 
beginning of the sentence," and thus serving as a relative, as the same 
demonstrative does, when placed after the verb, except, that it is then 
variable and suffers all the changes to which the demonstrative in 
general is subject. 

•249. 

According to this view, there are the following ways of ex- 
pressing the relation in Galla : 

1. kan begins the sentence as an invariable particle, i. e. it re- 
lates to all sexes numbers and cases; but it is necessary to observe^ 
whether it exerts no influence upon the verb or changes it by a certain 
modification. Ex. 

(X. without change of the verb. 

Gudiish kan tshamad'u fed'e^ lufe arginan lakrze^ Gudush who 
was to harness the cattle, omitted it after having perceived liufe. In 
this example kan stands in the place of the nom. sing, masculine. 



— 76 — 

goda kan izin fed'taniy do whatever you like, — kan being the 
ace. sing, or plur. neut. 

Rtifa kan dtirati iza wadjin duhad'ztididte zodanan i%a duba 
macad'ziididte , Rufa who was not willing to speak to him before, 
being afraid would not now go away from behind him j — kan marks 
the nom. sing. fern. 

Zufcn lonza kan hafani fud*ad*e ademe^ Zufe took his cattle 
which (i. e. as many) remained and returned ; — kan here is the 
nom. plur. 

/?. the verb is changed into the mode in w, (see num. 112.) Ex. 

kan ini dyirad'un^ dyirad'e, on what one lived, the other lived 
falso); kan stands here in the place of the ablative, which appears 
by the postposition ni (w) aft'ixed to the verb : the mode ii in djiradhi 
is justified by that view of the sentence which asserts that, whatever 
one would live on, or whatever he M^ould have, the other participated. 
— Qf the same sort are the following sentences : 

dargagon kan mana dyiru (/ifnmtu d'ufe^ the young men who 
might be at home all came; — dvrgagon, as a collective noun, is 
construed with the singular; commonly it is joined with the feminine, 
and the sentence would be quite regular thus: dargagon ka)i mana 
dyirtu qitumtu d'ufte; 

atamini kan nanu garakeriati nu biia? how could that which we 
ate nourish us (lit. fall into our belly) ? 

The following sentence entirely corresponds to the Latin relative 
construction : 

ini kan nad'z'un cabu, „ille quod edat non habet", he has not that 
which he can eat. 

2. kan is omitted and the relation is expressed by the position of 
the sentence itself, as in English. The examples of this kind of con- 
struction are also divided into those where the mode in u is employed 
and those where it is not. But the circumstance, that this mode is 
to be found in all those examples, where (he verb is put in the 
present tense , seems to prove two points of the greatest importance, 
first, that this relative construction requires by its nature the mode 
in u; secondly, it proves that the preterit tense in Galla wants a partic- 
ular form for this mode. Of the latter case the following is an ex- 
ample : 

ibida d'aka guba fud\'^ funo izan hid'anin ira kac, fnno gubad'e, 
tchite, he took the fire from the tobacco-pipe, laid it upon the cord 



— 77 — 

wherewith they had tied him, set it on fire, and broke it 5 the n affixed 
to hid'anin (31^ pers. aor» of hid^a^ I bind), is again the postp. nij 
used like the English prepos. with. The following examples all con- 
tain this mode, and in all it can be easily justified: 

Dubi ati dubad'ta anim bekUy the word (language]) thou speakest 
I do not understand. 

Ho namni mora ilalu garid*a djed'e; Lat. si haruspex (lit. homo 
[qui] adipem inspicit) „faustura est" dixit*, — if the man (who) looks 
into the fat has said: „it is favorable". 

Hori ani cabu Wacayo geekoti ha mnrad'u; lit. the fortune I 
have may God lick out from my home ; an oath very frequently used. 

Namni iz'i gudizun dyiru, there is no person to educate her; lit. 
a man her educates is not. Notice the following little satire: 
Bagila iiad'u 
Malif d'aka lakize? — 

Zoba dibad'u, 
Malif naca lakize? 
lit. (who) hog's-beans eats, why does (he) leave stones? — (who) 
lies (and) anoints himself, why omits he woman's ornaments? i.e. he 
who can chew hog s-beans (which are known to be very hard), may 
chew stones too; he who anoints himself without merit may adorn 
himself with woman's ornaments. This general sentence is applied 
to a particular custom of the Gallas, viz. if one, without having killed 
an enemy or a buffalo, usurps the honour of such exploits and anoints 
his head, he should put on the foot-rings of women, because he is not 
worthy of a manly ornament. As to the construction, this example 
exhibits the same feature which I have pointed out in others, viz. 
there is nothing in the nature of the sentence that demands the sub- 
junctive; the relative construction alone seems to require this modi- 
fication of the verb. 

3. The relation is expressed by placing the demonstrative pro- 
nouns kana and %ana (Nom. kuni^ ziini') after the verb of the related 
sentence, which then appears as an apposition of the subject or 
object and supplies the place of a participial construction, although 
the verb is put in the definite tense. The demonstrative in this 
case is regarded as a variable noun and suffers all the changes 
to which nouns are subject; whilst kan (see Nro. 249. i.) is inva- 
riable » Ex. 



— 78 — 

Mutsha due ^>ana lafati argani^ they found the dead child on the 
earth, lit. child - (which) died - this - (they) on the earth - found. 

Namitslii nu fide d'vfe kuni lama bulan debie, the man who had 
brought us after two day's stay, returned ; lit. the man - us - brought 
- came - this - twice - havino^ reposed - returned; — the verbs 
fide and d'vfe^ show no mark of the influence of the relative. 

Malif ati adjez-udidta zololia ilmanzira tezu kana, why killest 
thou not the zololia (a bird, probably Numida Meleagris) which sits 
upon its young? lit. over her young (she) sits this. Tesw is the mode 
in u which supplies the place of the subjunctive. 

Abaiiko na gudifad'e kuni ^ my foster- father; lit. my father - 
Cwho) me - made large - this. 

Observe the following example : 

Zimbiri muka dagmi keza dyiru zana guba teze, the bird perched 
upon the tree where honey was; lit. bird - tree - honey - therein - 
was - this - upon - (she) sat. — However strange this kind of trans- 
lation may appear, 1 think it will serve to give the reader an idea 
of the construction of the Galla. 

Waya iifbira cabnu kanarati wal djibme, we disputed about the 
cloth we had around us, lit. cloth - with us - we have - this about 
together- we contended; — kanariti is compounded of the demonstrative 
kana^ Cu^ed relatively by postposition), and the two postpositions ira 
and ti. 

4. Frequently the possessive pronouns precede the related sentence 
so that the latter is inclosed by two pronouns ; (a feature which 
resembles the Arabic relative construction with /^jJf when it is to 
express an oblique case and requires, in the relative sentence, the 
appropriate suffix to be joined to a noun verb or particle.) 

Hidjolcn iz'in bozonati nacamtc ziirii atchiti bad'a?uni, the children 
who had entered the forest lost their way in it, lit. children - she ithe 
collective noun requiring the fem. sing, see num. 180-181.) into the 
forest - entered - this - there - went astray. 

Mid^an iza biltshad'e kana bokrni lafati dad'ae^ the rain struck the 
ripe grain down to the earth; — iza biltshad'e kana lit. it ripened 
this, that which had ripened. 

Ini abakoti male kuni lafaftud'a, he (who) counselled my father 
is a calumniator. 

6. The relation is ex])ressed without any demonstrative, and the 
relative clause becomes the direct or indirect regimen dependent on 



— 79 — 

the verb, corresponding to a participial construction, except that the 
verb stands in the finite tense, as: 

mid'an lafati hartchae arye j he saw grain spread upon the earth-, 
hartchae 3'f pers. sing. aor. of kartchd, to be spread ; lit. grain - upon 
the earth - is spread - he saw. The words, mid'an lafati hartchae 
being the direct object of arge and hartchae, although in form the 3'f 
pers. aor. is used participially or adjectively ; — or else, mid'an alone 
is the object of „he saw^', and lafati hartchae is merely an explanatory 
apposition, thus: he saw grain, it was scattered upon the earth. 

Both these explanations have however the same meaning at bot- 
tom, but the following examples seem to show that the former is to 
be preferred, as: 

oto barbad'ani %olalia ilmanira tezuti d'ufani whilst they searched 
they came to a zolalia (see num. 249. 3.) sitting upon its young 5 
the postposition ti belongs to zolalia, and it should stand: zoloUati 
d'ufani, they came to a zololia; but for the purpose of bringing it in 
closer connexion with the relative apposition ,yilmaniru tezii^' , she 
sits upon her young, tezu is regarded as a noun and takes the post- 
position. 

This is further illustrated by the following example: 

mana ini djed^eti d'ufne, we came to the house he spoke of, 
lit. the house - he - spoke of to - we came ; the postposition ti being 
affixed again to „«m djed'e'^, W^ pers. sing. aor. of djed'a^ which by 
its position after mana, expresses the relation. It is not to be con- 
founded with the 3'f pers. partic. pres. which has the same form. 

6. The relation is hid in a real participle, as in the following 
example: 

horin afan himbeknnti god'e, a thing not knowing speech has 
done it; himbeknnti being the participle pres. of beka with the nega- 
tion hin. 

The examples of this construction are, however, not very frequent, 
the Gallas preferring the preceding kinds of expressions, or such con- 
structions as immediately follow. 

7. The relation is also expressed by other relative words, es- 
pecially by 

irge, place, a substantive noun, which when used as a preposition, 
signifies — where; 2. whither; 3. to, and in this relative function it is 
always followed by the affix ti , a circumstance, which sometimes 



— 80 — 

makes it difficult to distinguish the examples of this construction from 
those of a participial nature because in respect to form both are often 
the same ; thus nad'aniti may be either Ihe 31'' pers. plur. of the pre- 
terit participle active of rtad'a, or the 31^ pers. plur. aor. with the 
affix ti. The preposition irge itself, however, and in general the na- 
ture of the sentence are certain guides to avoid mistakes. With re- 
spect to the grammatical construction, it will be sufficient to say that 
the rule given in num. 5. is also applied here. Ex. 

Ii'ffe mutsha bovti d'acani, they went to the weeping child; lit. 
place - child - weeps - to - they went. 

Gar bin irge namni iza hind'ageneti d^aqe, Garbi went to a place, 
where no person could hear him; lit. Garbi - place - men - him - 
not heard to - went. 

Irge dargayon kvni namitsha harm argiteti na gezi^ lead me to 
the man whom these young men saw; lit. place - young men - these 
- man - this - saw to - me - lead ; — argiteti is the 3'f pers. sing, 
aor. act. feminine (the collective notion dargagon being construed as 
a feminine}, of arga^ with the affix ti^ but not, as might be easily 
supposed, the 2"^ pers. sing, partic. pres., nor the 31* pers. fern, of arga. 

VI. Interrogative pronouns. 
250. 
The interrogative pronouns are: 

1. eriu (enuni abbr. eniin) who, masc. and femin., Lat. quis? 
quae? — The plural is made by putting the same pronoun twice and 
joining them by the particle fu (/^) „and", as: 

enuf enu dabalana? lit. whom and whom shall we add? quosnam 
assumamus ? 

To give particular emphasis, the intensitive termination tu (fS) is 
affixed to the accusative: criuVt, and this form is also used as a nom- 
inative fsee num. 219); for example: 

enuCt god'e? Wacayotl god'e male^ who has done it? God alone 
did it, lit. God - did - but. 

Commonly cTui is put after the object of the question, as: 

abakef luid'ake macanzani eriinii^ how are thy father and mother 
called? lit. ])a(rem tuum et matreni tuam nomina eorum quaenam? — 
The accusatives abake had'ake stand in the place of the genitive case. 

2. mali^ abbrev. mal^ what? quid? It is invariable and only used 
in the singular, as: 



— 81 — 

mali fed' a? what wilt thou? 

The intensitive form maltu stands very frequently instead of the 
masculine eiiun^ as: 

maltu beka? who knows? but naturally it is used as a neuter 
likewise: 

malVt na d'ibe; what is it to me? lit. quid me impedit? 

The forms malin, malan, malif^ malifan and malo are to be ex- 
plained in the same manner as kanan, kanafy kanafan etc. (see num. 247. 
4 and 5.) viz. malin (abbr. mari) is compounded of mali ^ and the postpos. 
niy to mark the case of the instrument, „wherewith, by which"; — 
malan of mali and the personal pronoun ani ; — malifi {malif)^ why? 
of mali and the postp. fu^ for, lit. for what? — and malifan of mali^ 
fuy and the same affix ani ^ which is commonly repeated before the 
1!* person sing, of the verb. Instead of malif the abbrev. form maf 
or ma^ (mafan')^ why? is also used. Finally, malo is compounded of 
mali and the particle o, the German „denn, doch, ja, wohl*', as: malo 
djed'e^ was hat er doch gesagt? what did he say then? 

3. kami, how much, how many, Lat. quot, as: 

obolonike kami? how many brothers hast thou? lit. thy brothers 
how many? 

There is also an intensitive form of this pronoun, kamtu; and 
when this is preceded by the possessive pronouns: ini or i%i, the 
interrogative: which of the two? Lat. uter? is formed, as: 

izakamtu ulfad'a? uter (»> uni) gravior C-us) est? which of the 
two is heavier? 

VII. Indefinite pronoun. 

251. 

I have found hitherto but two indefinite pronouns: 1. abalu, fern. 
abali^ some one, any body; — "Z. wa, something, somewhat, for the 
neuter. 

Both pronouns are, however, but substantives to which, as to the 
foregoing pronouns, the intensitive syllable t1 is usually appended, as: 
ahaluVt, watl; Ex. 

waVt ana d'ibe, I am sorrowful, lit. something pains me. 

Abalu abalutt is used in the same sense as the German „der und der"; 
— abalu abaluV nan djed'e^ such and such a one told jue. 



6 



S9 



CHAPTER III. 

Of Particles. 

262. 

In the Galla, as in many other languages, the same word appears 
sometimes as an adverb, sometimes as a preposition Cpostposition), and 
sometimes as a conjunction. Of this class are dura, before; — aha, 
that; — hama, how much, during, until, etc. It is, however, possible 
to distinguish the different uses of them, particulariy when they are 
employed as conjunctions, by an especial influence always perceptible 
upon the verb. 

253. 

The adverbs are partly separable and partly inseparable, as are 
also the prepositions and much more the postpositions; for there are 
very few pure prepositions, and these are derived from nouns or else 
they are nouns themselves. For ex. irge, in, towards, literally means 
5,place". 

254. 

But few interjections properly speaking have occurred. I know 
but three: o! me! and ya! O answers entirely to our alas! Me is 
used in entreating, for ex. me biz an na fidi, pray bring me some 
water. Ya is employed in addressing, as: ya Gallan! ye Gallas; 
ya ob ! (abbrev. from ya obolez-ako), my brother ! But there are very 
many, if we include, as Ludolf has done, all words imitating natural 
sounds and their compositions with djed'a and god'a (jsee num. 9205 
for the language exhibits a decided propensity to the use of words o 
this class. 

255. 

The affixed postposition fu, fi abbrev. /^ holds an important place, 
for it appears at one time to mark the dative case of advantage; at 
another it is appended to the verb to express the aim of an action; 
finally it places a whole sentence in such a dependent relation that, 



— 83 — 

governed by fu like a noun, it includes another sentence. An inter- 
esting* example of the last relation is here given : 

Djulule djed'e: malanzi ffod^afi nati d'liftare? — Gadiyo oade: 
ani ati wa na god'ifin d'ufne; mid' an obolezaketi hatun hate fin d'ufe 
male. — The first sentence literally means: what to thee - do I 
on account of - to me - shoudst thou have come, that is: what shall 
I do to thee that thou hast come to me? hast thou come to me to 
demand from me a service? Here the question: malanzi god*a^ is con- 
sidered as a noun and rendered dependent on ^, „on account of." 
Still more peculiar is the answer which literally means: I - thou - 
something - me - do! on account of - I came not; the corn - of 
thy brother - a thief - has stolen on account of - I came - but. 
That is: I came not to ask a service from thee, but to tell thee that 
a thief has stolen thy brother's corn. Here the imperative sentence, 
wa na ffod'i, do something for me, is made dependent on fu, and so 
subordinate to the verb, that it means: I have not come on account of 
the „do something for me!" — and in the same manner the whole 
following sentence also governed by fu, is joined with the adverb 
male, which always stands at the end of the sentence. — Peculiar 
constructions of a similar character are veiy frequent, especially in 
relative sentences. 



6* 



84 — 



1. A Prayer. 

[The following prayer, communicated by Akafed'e, was composed 
and offered after the close of a long and bloody war between Hamb% 
his native province and the neighbouring state of Hamaya, in which 
the former suffered many severe calamities. — The editor deemed it 
proper to explain in notes those words which might occasion difficul- 
ties to the learner in looking for them in the Dictionary.] 



1. Wacayo laftana, goftako! ati Good God of this earth, my Lord! 
na guba te%a, ani %i dyalan taa. thou art above me, I am below thee. 

2. flo haman nati d!ufe^ oka When misfortune comes to me, 
mukni adu iiarra cabu, ati hama as trees keep off the sun from 
nati cabi, goftako^ gadiza na tail me, mayest thou keep off misfor- 
tune; my Lord, be thou my shadow! 



1. laftana. This is the only word in the whole prayer of which 
my brother was unable to ascertain the exact meaning. He 
formed two suppositions; the first was that laftana is a com- 
pound of lafti^ nom. of lafa ^ earth and the demonstrative pro- 
noun ana^ and the meaning is then that, given in the trans- 
lation, „God of this earth"; the second, that laftana is com- 
pounded of the same ana and lafto^ a sacred tree under which 
religious services are performed, in the same manner as under 
the makanJza and mec^a. Uowever it may be, laftana occurs 
in the beginning of many prayers as a standing attribute of 
Wacayo. — The final n of dyalan is the repeated and abbre- 
viated pers. pron. ani. 

2. narra, compounded of na and ira. 



I 



85 



3. Z? wamad'etatil ola^ zi wama^ 
d'etanl bula; batinana bad^te^ nan 
d'abin^ bae ziri d'abUj %ababi na 
oltshi. 



4. WacayOj goftako, biftun cara 
zodomtty ho dim d'ufe ramoke la- 
fati hin adjezizin, ira cabi; aka 
nu ramo lafati ilalleti ^ ho fene 
adjefna, ho fene dlfna. Aka nu 
ramo lafati d'inneti adjefnu, ho 
ati fedte lafati nu did'teti adjefta. 



5. Wacayo hamaf tola zitl har~ 
kaketi bad'eti ademtay goftako, nun 
adjezizin, nu ramonike, nu zi 
kad'aneti dyirana. 

6. Nama hamaf tola himbekuti 
zin d'vkubin; ho gafatoko bcke, 
gafatoko bekudide, izatt hamad'a^ 
iza aka ati fedte god!i. 

7. Ho ini duri himbarre , ati 
Wacayo, goftako, ati barzizi; ho 
afan nama d'agaudide, afanketi 
bara. 



Calling upon thee I pass the 
day, calling upon thee I pass the 
night; when this moon rises, do 
not forsake me; when I rise I do 
not forsake thee, let the danger 
pass by me. 

God , my Lord , thou Sun with 
thirty rays, when the enemy comes 
let not thy worm he killed upon 
the earth, keep him off; as we, 
seing a worm upon the earth, 
crush him if we like, spare him 
if we like. As we tread upon 
and kill a worm upon the earth, 
thus if thou pleasest thou crushest 
us upon the earth. 

God thou goest holding the bad 
and the good in thy hand, my 
Lord, let us not be killed, we thy 
worms, we are praying to thee. 

A man who knows not evil and 
good may not anger thee; if once 
he knew it and was not willing 
to know it, this is wicked, treat 
him as it pleases thee. 

If he formerly did not learn, do 
thou God, my Lord, teach him; if 
he hears not the language of men, 
he learns thy language. 



3. wamadetanl, 11' pers. s. I. partic. of wanuid'a. — bad'te^ 3'.^ 
pers. s. fem. I. pret. of bd. — nari and zih instead of na hin 
and zi hin, 

4. The author could not discover, why Wacayo is called here „a 
sun with thirty rays." — d'inneti, 1'.* pers. plur., d'id'tcti, 2"'* 
pers. s. of the L partic. of did'a. 

6. hekudide. see num. 176. a. 



— 86 



8. Wacayo %iVt godUte binenzaf 
nama qifuma kan lafarra tau; 
midCan lafa kanarale kan nu dyi- 
ranun %iCt god'te, nu hingone; ati 
ango nu kenninani, ati godiyof 
mid' an nu kenninani ^ hodjad'eti- 
nani mid^an mi marge. 



9. Mid^an nu magarzifteti namni 
gufnani. Mid'an manati giibe; iza 
mid' an manati gube? %ana %i€t 
heka. 

10. Ani hon nama toko nama 
lama beke, ani hon idyakotin argen 
beka; ati oto idyaketin argu ba- 

^ d'tele d' agnaketin bechta. 

11. Nama hamatt tokot!! nama 
qitTiima manaza bazize; hidjolezaf 
had'a aka ilman gogori gara gara 
bal^eze. 

±2. Dim adjezeti mutsha guduru 
had'aza harkai fud'eti gorae ; — 
iza akana qiCuma zi€t akana go- 
zizizey — malifi akana godte? 
zit: beka. 



God, thou hast made all the ani- 
mals and men that live upon the 
earth; the corn also upon this 
earth on which we are to live 
hast thou made, we have not made 
it; thou hast given us strength, 
thou hast given us cattle and corn, 
we worked with them and the 
seed grew up for us. 

With the corn which thou letst 
grow for us, men were satisfied. 
The corn in the house has been 
hurnt up ; who has burnt the corn 
in the house? Thou knowest. 

If I know one or two men , I 
know them when I have seen them 
with my eye; thou, even if thou 
didst not see them with thine 
eyes, knowest them by thy heart. 

A single bad man has chased 
away all our people from their 
houses; the children and their 
mother has he scattered like a 
flock of turkeys hither and thither. 

The murderous enemy took the 
curlyheaded child out of his mo- 
ther's hand and killed him; — 
thou hast permitted all this to be 
done so, — why hast thou done 
so? Thou knowest. 



8. The f appended to binenzaf is the abbrev. particle ^, and. — 
lafarra instead of lafa ira. — mid'an lafa kanarale etc. see 
Diet, ira and kana. — kenninani and hodjad'etani are participles. 

9. zitl beka, see num. 219. 

10. The flnal n of hon^ the repeated and abbrev. pers. pron. ani. — 
argu bad'tele, see num. 176. b. and Diet. le. 



87 — 



13. Midtan magarzifteti idya- 
kenan ilaltshifteti nama belau 
idyazatin ilaleti obza. 

14. Ho mid'an darare bilatshaf 
horabiza fideti iti nacta, awa- 
nifnif bulalan; — hana qiViima 
zi harked d'ufe, ziVt akana gozize; 
kail ati akana gozifte? ziCt beka. 

15. Goftako^ nama zi kad'ad'uf 
d'izi ! Aka hatun mid' an orma hatte 
aban mid' an hid'Uy akana ati hin- 



The corn which thou letst grow 
dost thou show to our eyes; the 
hungry man looks at it and is 
comforted. 

When the corn hlooms thou 
sendest butterflies and locusts into 
it, locusts and doves; — all this 
comes from thy hand, thou hast 
caused it to be done so ; why hast 
thou done so ? Thou knowest. 

My Lord, spare these who pray 
to thee ! As a thief stealing an- 
other's corn is bound by the owner 



hid'in , goftako ; marara hid'eti of the corn, thus do not thou bind 



mararan hikta. 



16. Hon ani zi mar are, akana 
na hiki, ana garakotinan zi ka- 
d'ad'a; hon ani garakotin zin ka- 
d'ad'u, ati nan natu; hon ani ga- 
rakotin zin kad'ad'uy ziCt beka, 
ati na nata. 



Lord; binding the beloved one 
thou settest free with love. 

If 1 am beloved by thee, so set 
me free, I entreat thee from my 
heart ; if I do not pray to thee 
with my heart, thou hearest me 
not, if I pray to thee with my 
heart, thou knowest it and art 
gracious unto me. 



2. A Morning Prayer. 



Ya Wad nagan na biiltshite 
nagan na oltshi. Ede inand'aca 
karakora kan naga naf god'te, 
ya Wad, milkiko na gadyelzi. 



God thou hast let me pass 
the night in peace, let me pass 
the day in peace. Wherever I 
may go, upon my way which thou 



15. This whole sentence from „Aka^' to „hicta^'^ is a little obscure, 
and the thought, that God may use us sinners according to his 
mercy and not according to our guilt, is expressed in rather a 
strange manner. 

Morning Prayer, inand'aca, see num. 158. — karakora is com- 
pounded of karay ko and ira, — 



88 — 



Dubatte, dubiza nati d'owi; belawe, madest peaceable for me , God, 



r/r« nati d'owi; gufe^ badjika nati 
d'owi; %i wamad'etan ola, gofta 
goftah cabne. 



lead my steps. When I have spoken, 
keep off calumny from me ; when 
I am hungry, keep me from mur- 
muring; when I am satisfied, keep 
me from pride : calling upon thee 
I pass the day, Lord, who hast 
no Lord! 



3. An Evening Prayer, 



Ya Wact nagan na oltshitey na- 
gan na bnltshi, gofta go f tan cabne; 
%i male dyaban hindyiru, tokitchi 
gidin cabne, Harkake dyaladan 
ola^ harkake dyaladan bula^ had^i- 
kozi, abankoZ'i, 



God thou hast let me pass 
the day in peace, let me pass the 
night in peace, Lord, who hast 
no Lord ; there is no strength hut 
in thee, thou alone hast no obli- 
gation. Under thy hand I pass 
the day, under thy hand I pass 
the night, thou art my mother, 
thou my father. 



4. Letter from Aga to Akafed'e. 
(See Dictionary pag. XIII.) 



Aga Akafed^ef. 

Naga, nag a! fayaketi! Ana d^tifa 
djed*etani d'iben na cabe; ana 
aman d'ufa, ya firako, ano yom 
d'vfu badtef ati gafatoko kod'u. 

Ati nag a olte had^a? Ati mal 
hodjad'ta? Hidjolen zi bira kuno, 
ya obolezako ziti garid'a ? Ya obo- 
Iczako ati faya cabte irga bia kana 
dufte? namni biakana ziti garid'a? 



Munich Oct. le*!" 1840. 

Peace, peace! thy health! Though 
I have promised to come yet an 
obstacle has prevented me; but I 
come soon, my dear, and if I do 
not come, come thou to me. 

Hast thou passed this day in 
in peace? what business art thou 
engaged in? are those boys who 
are with thee, kind towards thee, 
my brother? Hast thou been healthy 



Evening Prayer, dyaladan, the da is an insignificant transition-syllable 
(see num. 160), n the abbrev. pers. pron. ani. 



- 89 



Ati bia kana dyalad'ta garanke? since thou hast come into this 
Ano bia kana dyalad'a, ano obo- country? Are the people kind tow- 
lezakodif oboletiko gudayadamale. ards thee and lovest thou this 

country in thy heart? I like it, 
but I think very much on my 
brothers and sisters. 



Ya obolezako ivuyi biaketi bad'te 
yOj ati ,,Bulgun na nad'a'^ djed'te ? 
Ati garanke %in %odanneo? Ano 
guda zodad'eray ano garankokeza 
guda bi%an na rafame. Ano Galla 
guda wadjin biakoti baetanl unu 
guda diibanna guda zodanna. Unu 
garbitcha wadjin d'ufnerra^ unu 
mid' an hinnanu^ wuyi nanu, ibida 
garakena kez-a nu nad'a. Unu 
guda huganerra ^ garakena nu 
yana; unu rafu dad'abne^ unu 
tau dad'abncy milo na bobae ha- 
d'uma boru ademna biyo kana ke- 
za; biyonkuno fana nu guba guda. 



Bia Galade kuno izeno guda 
hamtud'a; bia Djellaba kana ha- 
mad'a} bia Massur kana irgan 
d'ufe ano gari rafa, gari duga, 
gari nad'a. Bia Massuriti goftanko 
nama guda tokoti na gurgure, ini 
na garid'a, hori na kenne. T^ino 



My brother, when thou depar- 
tedst from thy home hast thou also 
said „the Uulgu will eat me"? 
Wast thou much afraid in thy heart? 
I was much terrified and the waters 
in my heart were greatly agitated. 
I left home with many Gallas, we 
talked much and were very anx- 
ious. We travelled with a slave- 
merchant and had no corn to eat, 
and when we ate, the fire in our 
hearts devoured us. We became 
very thin for our hearts were so- 
licitous, we could not sleep, we 
could not stand, our feet burned 
for we always walked in the sand ; 
the sand scorched the soles of our 
feet very much. 

The country of the Galade is 
very bad, as also that of the Djellaba. 
In Massur where I came, I slept 
well and drank well and ate well. 
In Massur my master sold me to 
a nobleman 5 he was kind towards 
me and gave me all that I needed. 



Ano instead of ani. — had'a instead of har^a. — ano garan- 
kokeza guda etc. see Diet. p. 153. under rciza. — unu instead 
of WW. — hinanu, hin stud Had'a. — had'uma inst of har-^uma. 
— izeno; ize inst. otizi; the affixed no is unknown to the 
editor. — Djellaba, merchants, slave-traders. — Mu.^my or 
Massur, the vulgar Arabic name of Cairo. — kitabte, Arab. 



— 90 

lur,"(f noma gari tokoti na kenne, 
nama kana wadjin ama taa, 

Arna gafa ati kana kitabte ani 
iva Z'i dabala; i%a kana kitabe nama 
na bar%i%u kanati %i erga. 



Nagaiti bull. 



After a short while he gave me 
to a kind man with whom I still 
remain. 

When thou hast written to me 
I will add more; what I have 
written here I send to thee hy 
the man who is my teacher. 
Sleep in peace. 



Otshu Aga. 



5. Answer to the foregoing". 



Akafed'e Agaf. 

Ya obolezako, nu Wacayon iza 
ha tolu djenuy kan ini nagade 
hamtu kanara nu fud'e irge ga- 
riti nu fide. Yomun ani bad'e 
ani inanyade: Wacago hamad'zu' 
daf abako harkaf had'ako harka 
na bazen djed'e; wau, akana 
mti y ini irge gariti na cabe. 
hiyadinj ya obolezako ati dandeze 
warrake hinagartu ^^d'ad'an ibidti 
hue hindebiu'^ Gallon giidumtu 
had'azadif abaza bae oto garanza 
hou taw, ati had'akedif abake hi- 
nagartu obzi tai. Hamana izanif 
kad'ad'u, Wacayo aka gariti izan 
lia bultshu. 



Alamini kan iinnu garakcnutl 
nu bua nuo abdin cabnUy ini- 
yadna hoyn ^ har^a mo born nu 



Munich Oct. 2V} 1840. 

my brother, let us thank God 
that he took us from those bad 
merchants and brought us to a 
good pLace. When I departed I 
thought: God has let me go out 
from the hand of my mother and 
my father to do me evil ; no , it 
was not so, he conducted me to 
a good place. do not think, my 
brother, that thou wilt not be able 
to see thy family again, as „butter 
fallen into the fire comes not back". 
Many Gallas who went from the 
hands of their mothers and fathers 
sit with weeping hearts ; though 
thou shouldst not see thy mother 
and thy father again, be comforted! 
Belter pray for them, that God 
may let them live as happily as 
possible. 

How could that which we ate 
agree with us? we had truly no 
hope, since we thought, to-day or 



I 



— 91 

fud'aniti ademu djeneti. Izan 
Amiiara zodad'aniti halkan ademu 
d'amodza kana keza. Yomuzana 
nu akana hiyane ini irge gariti 
nu cabudaf nu ademzize^ halkan 
aka gariti rafna hinzene. Bo 
Wacayo djed'e ini infullafad'a; 
maltu beka ho ati gudad'te kobake 
ademu dandeze goftanke biaketi 
%i ergufdyira. O ya obolezako 
mali djed'te yomuzana had'ike^ 
ho ati djed'te: namni na gur- 
gureti bia ani himbekneti na geze; 
namitshi tok ufiti na fud'e na gu- 
dize ; ani gudanan ^^had'akedif 
abake barbadi''^ nan djed'e, djed'ta. 
Yomuzana laminkedif obolonike 
ziti yateti zi zimtil 



Ani hidjole na wadjin dyirlu 
kana wadjinan dubad^a-. atamiti 
had'odinkeriaf abodinkena bulu ? 
djeneti nu homan agarru akanuman 
yadofna male. Nu arfanu teneli 
walwadjin kana hazofna, — ati 
kobake tezeti garaketin hazofta 
,jatamiti had'ikodif abanko bula ?" 
djed'eti; — Wacayon kad'ad'Uy 
ini Galla ziti ha ergu. 

Nagan hafi hama nu wal agaruti. 

Akafede Dalle. 



to-morrow they take us. Being 
afraid of the Amharas they tra- 
velled at night in the cold. We 
did not imagine at that time he 
caused us that painful travelling 
for our good 5 we did not think 
that we should again enjoy a quiet 
sleep at night. What God has 
promised he performs; who knows 
whether thy master, when thou 
art grown up and ahle to go alone, 
will not send thee into thy father- 
land! O my brother, at that time 
what will thy mother say when 
thou tellest her: I was sold and 
carried to a country that I did not 
know; and there a man took me 
to himself and educated me, and 
when I was grown up he said: 
„seek now thy mother and thy 
father". On that day thy relations 
and brothers will pour out to meet 
thee. 

I and these boys Avho are with 
me speak often together: how is 
it with our mothers and fathers? 
— we see nothing and think in 
vain. But there are four of us and 
we speak together, — thou sittest 
alone and speakest in thy heart: 
how is it with my mother and my 
father? — Pray to God, that he 
may send thee a Galla. 

Rest in health until we meet 
again. 



— -»^»a-^t xtc «" 



Gedriickt bei Dr. Franz Wild. 



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